• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.17
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• pp.1-44
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• 1974

These studies were made at Suwon in 1972 and at Suwon, Iri, and Kwangju in 1973 to investigate grain filling process and variation of grain quality of NB 68513 and Caprock as hard red winter wheat, Suke ＃169 as soft red winter wheat variety and Yungkwang as semi-hard winter variety, grown under-three different fertilizer levels and seeding dates. Other experiments were conducted to find the effects of temperature, humidity and light intensity on the grain filling process and grain quality of Yungkwang and NB 68513 wheat varieties. These, experiments were conducted at Suwon in 1973 and 1974. 1. Grain filling process of wheat cultivars: 1) The frequency distribution of a grain weight shows that wider distribution of grain weight was associated with large grain groups rather than small grain group. In the large grain groups, the frequency was mostly concentrated near mean value, while the frequency was dispersed over the values in the small grain group. 2) The grain weight was more affected by the grain thickness and width than by grain length. 3) The grain weight during the ripening period was rapidly increased from 14 days after flowering to 35 days in Yungkwang and from 14 days after flowering to 28 days in NB 68513. The large grain group, Yungkwang was rather slowly increased and took a longer period in increase of endosperm ratio of grain than the small grain group, NB 68513. 4) In general, the 1, 000 grain weight was reduced under high temperature, low humidity, while it was increased under low temperature and high humidity condition, and under high temperature and humidity condition. The effect of shading on grain weight was greater in high temperature than in low temperature condition and no definite tendency was found in high humidity condition. 5) The effects of temperature, humidity and shading on 1, 000 grain weight were greater in large-grain group, Yungkwang than in small grain group, NB 68513. Highly significant positive correlation was found between 1, 000 grain weight and days to ripening. 6) The 1, 000 grain weight and test weight were increased more or less as the fertilizer levels applied were increased. However, the rate of increasing 1, 000 grain weight was low when fertilizer levels were increased from standard to double. The 1, 000 grain weight was high when planted early. Such tendency was greater in Suwon than in Kwangju or Iri area. 2. Milling quality: 7) The milling rate in a same group of varieties was higher under the condition of low temperature, high humidity and early maturing culture which were responsible for increasing 1, 000 grain weight. No definite relations were found along with locations. 8) In the varieties tested, the higher milling rate was found in large grain variety, Yungkwang, and the lowest milling rate was obtained from Suke ＃ 169, the small grain variety. But the small grained hard wheat variety such as Caprock and NB 68513 showed higher milling rate compared with the soft wheat variety, Suke ＃ 169. 9) There were no great differences of ash content due to location, fertilizer level and seeding date while remarkable differences due to variety were found. The ash content was high in the hard wheat varieties such as NB 68513, Caprock and low in soft wheat varieties such as Yungkwang and Suke ＃ 169. 3. Protein content: 10) The protein content was increased under the condition of high temperature, low humidity and shading, which were responsible for reduction of 1, 000 grain weight. The varietal differences of protein content due to high temperature, low humidity and shading conditions were greater in Yungkwang than in NB 68513. 11) The high content of protein in grain within one to two weeks after flowering might be due to the high ratio of pericarp and embryo to endosperm. As grains ripen, the effects of embryo and pericarp on protein content were decreased, reducing protein content. However, the protein content was getting increased from three or four weeks after flowering, and maximized at seven weeks after flowering. The protein content of grain at three to four weeks after flowering increased as the increase of 1, 000 grain weight. But the protein content of matured grain appeared to be affected by daily temperature on calender rather than by duration of ripening period. 12) Highly significant positive correlation value was found between the grain protein content and flour protein content. 13) The protein content was increased under the high level of fertilizers and late seeding. The local differences of protein content were greater in Suwon than in Kwangju and Iri. 14) Protein content in the varieties tested were high in Yungkwang, NB 68513 and Caprock, and low in Suke ＃ 169. However, variation in protein content due to the cultural methods was low in Suke ＃ 169. 15) Protein yield per unit area was increased in accordance with increase of fertilizer levels and early maturing culture. However, nitrogen fertilizer was utilized rather effectively in early maturing culture and Yungkwang was the highest in protein yield per unit area. 4. Physio-chemical properties of wheat flour: 16) Sedimentation value was higher under the conditions of high temperature, low humidity and high levels of fertilizers than under the conditions of low temperature, high moisture and low levels of fertilizers. Such differences of sedimentation values were more apparent in NB 68513 and Caprock than Yungkwang and Suke ＃ 169. The local difference of sedimentation value was greater in Suwon than in Kwangju and Iri. Even though the sedimentation value was highly correlated with protein content of grain, the high humidity was considered one of the factors affecting sedimentation value. 17) Changes of Pelshenke values due to the differences of cultural practices and locations were generally coincident with sedimentation values. 18) The mixing time required for mixogram was four to six minutes in NB 68513, five to seven minutes in Cap rock. The great variation of mixing time for Yungkwang and Suke ＃ 169 due to location and planting conditions was found. The mixing height and area were high in hard wheat than in soft wheat. Variation of protein content due to cultural methods were inconsistent. However, the pattern of mixogram were very much same regardless the treatments applied. With this regard, it could be concluded that the mixogram is a kind of method expressing the specific character of the variety. 19) Even though the milling property of NB 68513 and Caprock was deteriorated under either high temperature and low humidity of high fertilizer levels and late seeding conditions, baking quality was better due to improved physio-chemical properties of flour. In contrast, early maturing culture deteriorated physio-chemical properties, milling property of grain and grain protein yield per unit area was increased. However, it might be concluded that the hard wheat production of NB 68513 and Caprock for baking purpose could be done better in Suwon than in Iri or Kwangju area. 5. Interrelationships between the physio-chemical characters of wheat flour: 20) Physio-chemical properties of flour didn't have direct relationship with milling rate and ash content. Low grain weight produced high protein content and better physio-chemical flour properties. 21) In hard wheat varieties like NB 68513 and Caprock, protein content was significantly correlated with sedimentation value, Pelshenke value and mixing height. However, gluten strength and baking quality were improved by the increased protein content. In Yungkwang and Suk ＃ 169, protein content was correlated with sedimentation value, but no correlations were found with Pelshenke value and mixing height. Consequently, increase of protein content didn't improve the gluten strength in soft wheat. 22) The highly significant relationships between protein content and gluten strength and sedimentation . value, and between Pelshenke value, mixogram and gluten strength indicated that the determination of mixogram and Pelshenke value are useful for de terming soft and hard type of varieties. Determination of sedimentation value is considered useful method for quality evaluation of wheat grain under different cultural practices.

• The Korean Journal of Physiology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.23-42
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• 1971

I. Chemical analysis A study was planned to see if administration of ginseng extract has any influence upon the adrenal, the hepatic, the splenic, and the pancreatic nucleic acid contents of rats, and to estimate the effect of ACTH administration as a substitute for stress reaction upon these nucleic acid contents of rats previously primed with ginseng. Ninety male rats$(body\;weight:\;150{\sim}200gm)$ were divided into the ginseng, the saline, and the normal control groups, which received for 5 days 0.5ml/100 gm body weight of ginseng extract solution (4 mg of ginseng alcohol extract in 1 ml of saline), same amount of saline, or no medication, respectively. On the 5th experimental day, each of the 3 groups was further divided into 2 subgroups yielding the ginseng, the ginseng-ACTIT, the saline, the saline-ACTH, the normal control, and the normal-ACTH subgroups. The ginseng, the saline, and the normal control subgroups were sacrificed 3 hours after the last medication, while the ginseng-ACTH, the saline·ACTH, and the normal-ACTH subgroups received ACTH(0.1 unit/subject) 1 hour after the last medication and were sacrificed after 1 more hour. The adrenal gland, the liver, the spleen and the pancreas of each rat were measured for RNA and DNA contents using the chemical method of Schmidt-Thannhauser-Schneider. Following results were obtained: 1. Adrenal RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio were all significantly higher in the ginseng group compared with the values obtained from the normal control and the saline groups. Generally administration of ACTH reduced nucleic acid contents of the viscera examined. However, in the ginseng group the rate of decrease [(value of ginseng-ACTH subgroup-value of ginseng subgroup) x100/value of ginseng subgroup)] in adrenal RNA and DNA contents and in RNA/DNA ratio were more conspicuous than they were in the normal control and the saline groups. 2. Hepatic RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio were all significantly less in the ginseng group than in the normal control and the saline groups. After ACTH, the rate of decrease in hepatic RNA, DNA, and RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng· group was less conspicuous than those of the other 2 groups. 3. With regard to the splenic nucleic acid contents, the RNA and the RNA/DNA values of the ginseng group were higher than those of the normal control group but lower than those of the saline group, while the DNA value of the ginseng group was lower than that of the normal control group but higher than that of the saline group. Following administration of ACTH, the rate of decrease in RNA and DNA contents and in RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng group was more conspicuous than that of the normal control group but less remarkable than that of the saline group. 4. Pancreatic RNA and DNA contents were notably lower in the ginseng group than in the normal control and the saline groups. However, the RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng group was higher than that of the normal control and the saline groups.'After ACTH, the rate of decrease in pancreatic RNA and RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng group was less than that of the normal. control group but more than that of the saline group, while the DNA content was actually increased in the ginseng group though it decreased in the normal control and the saline groups. Although the results are not clear enough for an accurate interpretation, they seem to indicate that ginseng exerts notable influence upon the RNA and DNA contents and the RNA/DNA ratio of the viscera stodied. On the whole the drug tends to increase the RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio of the adrenal gland but seems to diminish the values of the other 3 viscera. In the early period following ACTH, ginseng facilitates the fall in RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio of the adrenal gland, while it tends to reduce the fall in the values of the other viscera studied. II. Autoradiographic and histochemical analysis It was planned autoradiographically and histochemically to affirm and extend the results obtained in part I with regard to the chemically assessed change in the adrenal, the pancreatic, the hepatic and the splenic DNA and RNA contents under the influence of ginseng and ACTH. Fourty male mice (body weight: $18{\sim}20gm$) and 20 male rats were used. Each animal species was divided into the saline, the ginseng, the saline-ACTH, and the ginseng-ACTH groups according to the administered drugs. In the mice, the adrenal, the pancreatic, the splenic and the hepatic DNA-synthetic activity was assessed autoradiographically after administration of $^3H$-thymidine. In the rats, the RNA content of the above 4 organs was assessed histochemically after staining them with methylgreen pyronine. Following results were obtained: 1. Labeled cells were significantly more numerous in the adrenal cortex, the spleen and the liver of the ginseng group than in those of the saline group, although they were less numerous in the pancreas of the ginseng group than in the pancreas of the saline group. The adrenocortical, the pancreatic, the splenic and the hepatic tissues were stained with methylgreen pyronine more deeply in the ginseng group than in the saline group. 2. The adrenocortical, the pancreatic, the splenic and the hepatic tissues contained labeled cells less numerously in the saline-ACTH and the ginseng-ACTH group than in the saline and the ginseng groups. All these tissues were also stained with methylgreen pyronine less deeply in the saline-ACTH and the ginseng-ACTH groups than in the saline and the ginseng groups. 3. However, the adrenal cortex, the spleen, the pancreas, and the liver contained labeled cells more numerously in the ginseng-ACTH group than in the saline-ACTH group. the 4 tissues were stained with methylgreen pyronine more deeply in the ginseng-ACTH group than in the saline-ACTH group. It is inferred from the above results that though with exception, the ginseng mostly facilitates cellular synthesis of nucleic acids and mitigates reduction in nucleic acid content of tissues after administration of ACTH.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.11
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• pp.1-27
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• 1969

More than thirty kinds of sea food pickles have been eaten in Korea. Out of these salted yellow tail pickle, salted clam pickle, salted oyster pickle, and salted cuttlefish pickle were employed for the analysis of their components, identification of main fermenting microbes, and determination of enzyme characteristics concerned. Also studied was the effect of enzymic action of microbes, which are concerned with the fermenting of pickles, on the production of flavorous 5'-mononucleotides and amino acids. The results are summarized as follows: 1. Microflora observed in the pickles are: (a) Total count of viable cells after 1-2 months of pickling was found to be $10^7$ and that after 6 months decreased to $10^4$. (b) Microbial occurence in the early stage of pickling was observed to be 10-20% Micrococcus spp., 10-20% Brevibacterium spp., 0-30% Sarcina spp., 20-30% Leuconostoc spp., ca 30% Bacillus spp., 0-10% Pseudomonas spp., 0-10% Flavobacterium spp., and 0-20% yeast. (c) Following the early stage of pickling, mainly halophilic bacteria such as Bacillus subtilis, Leuconostoc mesenteroides, Pediococcus halophilus and Sarcina litoralis, were found to exhibit an effect on the fermentation of pickle and their enzyme activities were in direct concern in fermentation of pickles. (d) Among the bacteria participating in the fermentation, Sarcina litoralis 8-14 and 8-16 strains were in need of high nutritional requirement and the former was grown only in the presence of purine, pyrimidine and cystine and the latter purine, pyrimidine and glutamic acid. 2. Enzyme characteristics studied in relation to the raw materials and the concerned microbes isolated are as follows: (a) A small amount of protease was found in the raw materials and 30-60% decrease in protease activity was demonstrated at 7% salt concentration. (b) Protease activity of halophilic bacteria, Bacillus subtilis 7-6, 11-1, 3-6 and 9-4 strains, in the complete media decreased by 10-30% at the 7% salt concentration and that of Sarcina litoralis 8-14 and 8-16 strains decreased by 10-20%. (c) Proteins in the raw materials were found to be hydrolyzed to yield free amino acids by protease in the fermenting microbes. (d) No accumulation of flavorous 5'-mononucleotides was demonstrated because RNA-depolymerase in the raw materials and the pickles tended to decompose RNA into nucleoside and phosphoric acid. (e) The enzyme produced in Bacillus subtilis 3-6 strain isolated from the salted clam pickles, was ascertained to be 5'-phosphodiesterase because of its ability to decompose RNA and thus accumulating 5'-mononucleotide. (f) It was demonstrated that the activity of phosphodiesterase in Bacillus subtilis 3-6 strain was enhanced by some components in the corn steep liquor and salted clam pickle. The enzyme activity was found to decrease by 10-30% and 40-60% at the salt concentration of 10% and 20%, respectively. 3. Quantitative data for free amino acids in the pickles are as follows: (a) Amounts of acidic amino acids such as glutamic and aspartic acids in salted clam pickle, were observed to be 2-10 times other pickles and it is considered that the abundance in these amino acids may contribute significantly to the specific flavor of this food. (b) Large amounts of basic amino acids such as arginine and histidine were found to occur in salted yellow tail pickle. (c) It is much interesting that in the salted cuttlefish pickle the contents of sulfur-containing amino acids were exceedingly high compared with those of others: cystine was found to be 17-130 times and methionine, 7-19 times. (d) In the salted oyster pickle a high content of some essential amino acids such as lysine, threonine, isoleucine and leucine, was demonstrated and a specific flavor of the pickle was ascribed to the sweet amino acids. Contents of alanine and glycine in the salted oyster pickle were 4 and 3-14 times as much as those of the others respectively. 4. Analytical data for 5'-mononucleotides in the pickles are as follows: (a) 5'-Adenylic acid and 3'-adenylic acid were found in large amounts in the salted yellow tail pickle and 5'-inosinic acid in lesser amount. (b) 5'-Adenylic acid, especially 3'-adenylic acid predominated in amount in the salted oyster pickle over that in the other pickles. (c) The salted cuttlefish pickle was found to contain only 5'-adenylic acid and 3'-adenylic acid. It has become evident from the above fact that clam and the invertebrate lack of adenylic deaminase and contain high content of adenylic acid. Thus, they were demonstrated to be the AMP-type. (d) 5'-Inosinic acid was contained in the salted yellow tail pickle in a significant concentration, and it might be considered to be IMP-type. 5. Comparative data for flavor with regard to the flavorous amino acids and the contents of 5'-mononucleotides are: (a) A specific flavor of salted yellow tail pickle was ascribed to the abundance in glutamic acid and aspartic acid, and to the existence of a small amount of flavorous 5'-inosinic acid. The combined effect of these components was belived to exhibit a synergistic action in producing a specific fiavor to the pickle. (b) A specific flavor of salted clam pickle has been demonstrated to be attributable to the richness in glutamic acid and aspartic acid rather than to that of 5'-mononucleotides.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.1-33
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• 2019

The small and medium sized enterprises (hereinafter SMEs) are already at a competitive disadvantaged when compared to large companies with more abundant resources. Manufacturing SMEs not only need a lot of information needed for new product development for sustainable growth and survival, but also seek networking to overcome the limitations of resources, but they are faced with limitations due to their size limitations. In a new era in which connectivity increases the complexity and uncertainty of the business environment, SMEs are increasingly urged to find information and solve networking problems. In order to solve these problems, the government funded research institutes plays an important role and duty to solve the information asymmetry problem of SMEs. The purpose of this study is to identify the differentiating characteristics of SMEs that utilize the public information support infrastructure provided by SMEs to enhance the innovation capacity of SMEs, and how they contribute to corporate performance. We argue that we need an infrastructure for providing information support to SMEs as part of this effort to strengthen of the role of government funded institutions; in this study, we specifically identify the target of such a policy and furthermore empirically demonstrate the effects of such policy-based efforts. Our goal is to help establish the strategies for building the information supporting infrastructure. To achieve this purpose, we first classified the characteristics of SMEs that have been found to utilize the information supporting infrastructure provided by government funded institutions. This allows us to verify whether selection bias appears in the analyzed group, which helps us clarify the interpretative limits of our study results. Next, we performed mediator and moderator effect analysis for multiple variables to analyze the process through which the use of information supporting infrastructure led to an improvement in external networking capabilities and resulted in enhancing product competitiveness. This analysis helps identify the key factors we should focus on when offering indirect support to SMEs through the information supporting infrastructure, which in turn helps us more efficiently manage research related to SME supporting policies implemented by government funded institutions. The results of this study showed the following. First, SMEs that used the information supporting infrastructure were found to have a significant difference in size in comparison to domestic R&D SMEs, but on the other hand, there was no significant difference in the cluster analysis that considered various variables. Based on these findings, we confirmed that SMEs that use the information supporting infrastructure are superior in size, and had a relatively higher distribution of companies that transact to a greater degree with large companies, when compared to the SMEs composing the general group of SMEs. Also, we found that companies that already receive support from the information infrastructure have a high concentration of companies that need collaboration with government funded institution. Secondly, among the SMEs that use the information supporting infrastructure, we found that increasing external networking capabilities contributed to enhancing product competitiveness, and while this was no the effect of direct assistance, we also found that indirect contributions were made by increasing the open marketing capabilities: in other words, this was the result of an indirect-only mediator effect. Also, the number of times the company received additional support in this process through mentoring related to information utilization was found to have a mediated moderator effect on improving external networking capabilities and in turn strengthening product competitiveness. The results of this study provide several insights that will help establish policies. KISTI's information support infrastructure may lead to the conclusion that marketing is already well underway, but it intentionally supports groups that enable to achieve good performance. As a result, the government should provide clear priorities whether to support the companies in the underdevelopment or to aid better performance. Through our research, we have identified how public information infrastructure contributes to product competitiveness. Here, we can draw some policy implications. First, the public information support infrastructure should have the capability to enhance the ability to interact with or to find the expert that provides required information. Second, if the utilization of public information support (online) infrastructure is effective, it is not necessary to continuously provide informational mentoring, which is a parallel offline support. Rather, offline support such as mentoring should be used as an appropriate device for abnormal symptom monitoring. Third, it is required that SMEs should improve their ability to utilize, because the effect of enhancing networking capacity through public information support infrastructure and enhancing product competitiveness through such infrastructure appears in most types of companies rather than in specific SMEs.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.150-184
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• 1978

Nutritional characteristics and physio-chemical properties of mycelial growth and fruitbody formation of oyster mushroom(Pleurotus ostreatus)in synthetic media, the curtural condition for the commerical production in the rice straw and poplar sawdust media, and the changes of the chemical components of the media and mushroom during the cultivation were investigated. The results can be summarized as follows: 1. Among the carbon sources mannitol and sucrose gave rapid mycelial growth and rapid formation of fruit-body with higher yield, while lactose and rhamnose gave no mycelial growth. Also, citric acid, succinic acid, ethyl alcohol and glycerol gave poor fruit-body formation, and acetic acid, formic acid, fumaric acid, n-butyl alcohol, n-propyl alcohol and iso-butyl alcohol inhibited mycelial growth. 2. Among the nitrogen sources peptone gave rapid mycelial growth and rapid formation of fruit-body with higher yield, while D,L-alanine, asparatic acid, glycine and serine gave very poor fruit-body formation, and nitrite nitrogens, L-tryptophan and L-tyrosine inhibited mycelial growth. Inorganic nitrogens and amino acids added to peptone were effective for fruit-body growth, and thus addition of ammonium sulfate, ammonium tartarate, D,L-alanine and L-leucine resulted in about 10% increase fruit-body yield. L-asparic acid about 15%, L-arginine about 20%, L-glutamic acid, and L-lysine about 25%. 3. At C/N ratio of 15.23 fruit-body formation was fast, but the yield decreased, and at C/N ratio of 11.42 fruit-body formation was slow, but the yield increased. Also, at the same C/N ratio the higher the concentration of mannitol and petone, the higher yield was produced. Thus, from the view point of both yield of fruit-body and time required for fruiting the optimum C/N ratio would be 30. 46. 4. Thiamine, potassium dihydrogen phosphate and magnecium sulfate at the concentration of $50{\mu}g%$. 0.2% and 0.02-0.03%, respectively, gave excellent mycelial and fruit-body growth. Among the micronutrients ferrous sulfate, zinc sulfate and manganese sulfate showed synergetic growth promoting effect but lack of manganese resulted in a little reduction in mycelial and fruit-body growth. The optimum concentrati on of each these nutrients was 0.02mg%. 5. Cytosine and indole acetic acid at 0.2-1mg% and 0.01mg%, respectively, increased amount of mycelia, but had no effect on yield of fruit-body. The other purine and pyrimidine bases and plant hormones also had no effect on mycelial and fruit-belly yield. 6. Illumination inhibited mycelial growth, but illumination during the latter part of vegetative growth induced primordia formation. The optimum light intensity and exposure time was 100 to 500 lux and 6-12 hours per day, respectively. Higher intensity of light was injurous, and in darkness only vegetative growth without primordia formation was continued. 7. The optimum temperature for mycelial growth was $25^{\circ}C$ and for fruit-body formation 10 to $15^{\circi}C$. The optimum pH range was from 5.0 to 6.5. The most excellent fry it-body formation were produced from the mycelium grown for 7 to 10 days. The lesser the volume of media, the more rapid the formation of fruit-body; and the lower the yield of fruit-body; and the more the volume of media, the slower the formation of fruit-body, and the higher the yield of fruit-body. The primordia formation was inhibited by $CO_2$. 8. The optimum moisture content for mycelial growth was over 70% in the bottle media of rice straw and poplar sawdust. 10% addition of rice bran to the media exhibited excellent mycelial growth and fruit-body formation, and the addition of calciumcarbonate alone was effective, but the addition of calcium carbonate was ineffective in the presence of rice bran. 9. In the cultivation experiments the total yield of mushroom from the rice straw media was $14.99kg/m^2$, and from the sawdust media $6.52kg/m^2$, 90% of which was produced from the first and second cropping period. The total yield from the rice straw media was about 2.3 times as high as that from the sawdust media. 10. Among the chemical components of the media little change was observed in the content of ash on the dry weight basis, and organic matter content decreased as the cultivation progressed. Moisture content, which was about 79% at the time of spawning, decreased a little during the period of mycelial propagation, after which no change was observed. 11. During the period from spawning to the fourth cropping about 16.7% of the dry matter, about 19.3% of organic matter, and about 40% of nitrogen were lost from the rice straw media; about 7.5% of dry mallet, about 7.6% of organic matter, and about 20% of nitrogen were lost from the sawdust media. For the production of 1kg of mushroom about 232g of organic matter and about 7.0g of nitrogen were consumed from the rice straw media; about 235g of organic matter and about 6.8g of nitrogen were consumed from the sawdust media, 1㎏ of mushroom from either of media contains 82.4 and 82.3g of organic matter and 5.6 and 5.4g of nitrogen, respectively. 12. Total nitrogen content of the two media decreased gradually as the cultivation progressed, and total loss of insoluble nitrogen was greater than that of soluble nitrogen. Content of amino nitrogen continued to increase up to the third cropping time, after which it decreased. 13. In the rice straw media 28.0 and 13.8% of the total pentosan and ${\alpha}$-cellulose, respectively, lost during the whole cultivation period was lost during the period of mycelial growth; in the sawdust media 24.1 and 11.9% of the total pentosan and ${\alpha}$-cellulose, respectively, was lost during the period of mycelial growth. Lignin content in the media began to decrease slightly from the second cropping time, while the content of reduced sugar, trehalose and mannitol continued to increase. C/N ratio of the rice straw media decreased from 33.2 at spawining to 30.0 at ending; that of the sawdust media decreased from 61.3 to 60.0. 14. In both media phosphorus, potassium, manganese and zinc decreased, at magnesium, calcium and copper showed irregular changes, and iron had a tendency to be increased. 15. Enzyme activities are much higher in the rice straw media than in the sawdust media. CMC saccharifying and liquefying activity gradually increased from after mycelial propagation to the second cropping, after which it decreased in both media. Xylanase activity rapidly and greatly increased during the second cropping period rather than the first period. At the start of the third cropping period the activity decreased rapidly in the rice straw media, which was not observed in the sawdust media. Protease activity was highest after mycelial propagation, after which it gradually decreased. The pH of the rice straw media decreased from 6.3 at spawning to 5.0 after fourth cropping; that of the sawdust media decreased from 5.7 to 4.9. 16. The contents of all the components except crude fibre of the mushroom from the rice straw media were higher than those from the sawdust media. Little change was observed in the content of the components of mushroom cropped from the first to the third period, but slight decrease was noticed at the fourth cropping.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.1-40
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• 1965

To measure variations in some of the important agronomic characteristics of rice varieties under shifting of seedling dates, this study has been carried out at the Paddy Crop Division of Crop Experiment Station(then Agricultural Experiment Station) in Suwon for the period of three years 1958 to 1960. The varieties used in this study were Kwansan, Suwon ＃82, Mojo, Paltal and Chokwang, which have the different agronomic characteristics such as earliness and plant type. Seeds of each variety were sown at 14 different dates in 10-day interval starting on March 2. The seedlings were grown on seed bed for 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 and 80 days, respectively. The results of this study are as follows: A. Heading dates. 1. As the seeding date was delayed, the heading dates was almost proportionally delayed. The degree of delay was higher in early varieties and lower in late varieties and the longer the seedling stage, the more delayed the heading date. 2. Number of days to heading was proportionally lessened as seeding was delayed in all the varieties but the magnitude varied depending upon variety. In other words, the required period for heading in case of late planting was much shortened in late variety compared with early one. Within a variety, the number of days to heading was less shortened as the seedling stage was prolonged. Early variety reached earlier than late variety to the marginal date for the maximum shortening of days to heading and the longer the seeding stage, the limitted date came earlier. There was a certain limit in seeding date for shortening of days to heading as seeding was delayed, and days to heading were rather prolonged due to cold weather when seeded later than that date. 3. In linear regression equation, Y=a+bx obtained from the seeding dates and the number of days to heading, the coefficient b(shortening rate of days to heading) was closely correlated with the average number of days to heading. That is, the period from seeding to heading was more shortened in late variety than early one as seeding was delayed. 4. To the extent that the seedling stage is not so long and there is a linear relationship between delay of seeding and shortening of days to heading, it might be possible to predict heading date of a rice variety to be sown any date by using the linear regression obtained from variation of heading dates under the various seeding dates of the same variety. 5. It was found out that there was a close correlation between the numbers of days to heading in ordinary culture and the other ones. When a rice variety was planted during the period from the late part of March to the middle of June and the seedling ages were within 30 to 50 days, it could be possible to estimate heading date of the variety under late or early culture with the related data of ordinary culture. B. Maturing date. 6. Within (he marginal date for maturation of rice variety, maturing date was proportionally delayed as heading was delayed. Of course, the degree of delay depended upon varieties and seedling ages. The average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period of rice variety was getting lower as the heading date. (X) was delayed. Though there was a difference among varieties, in general, a linear regression equation(y=25.53-0.182X) could be obtained as far as heading date were within August 1 to September 13. 7. Depending upon earliness of a rice variety, the average air temperature during the ripening period were greatly different. Early variety underwent under 28$^{\circ}C$ in maximum while late variety matured under as low as 22$^{\circ}C$. 8. There was a highly significant correlation between the average air temperature (X) during the ripening period, and number of day (Y) for the maturation. And the relationship could be expressed as y=82.30-1.55X. When the average air temperature during the period was within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$, the ripening period was shortened by 1.55 days with increase of 1$^{\circ}C$. Considering varieties, Kwansan was the highest in shortening the maturing period by 2.24 days and Suwon ＃82 was the lowest showing 0.78 days. It is certain that ripening of rice variety is accelerated at Suwon as the average air temperature increases within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$. 9. Between number of days to heading (X) related to seeding dates and the accumulated average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period, a positive correlation was obtained. However, there was a little difference in the accumulated average air temperature during the ripening period even seeding dates were shifted to a certain extent. C. Culm- and ear-lengths. 10. In general all the varieties didn't show much variation in their culm-lengths in case of relatively early seeding but they trended to decrease the lengths as seeding was delayed. The magnitude of decreasing varied from young seedlings to old ones. Young seedlings which were seeded during May 21 to June 10 didn't decrease their culm-lengths, while seedlings old as 80 days decreased the length though under ordinary culture. 11. Variation in ear-length of rice varieties show the same trend as the culm-length subjected to the different seeding dates. When rice seedlings aged from 30 to 40 days, the ear-length remained constant but rice plants older than 40 days obviously decreased their ear-lengths. D. Number of panicles per hill. 12. The number of panicles per hill decreased up to a certain dates as seeding was delayed and then again increased the panicles due to the development of numerous tillers at the upper internodes. The seeding date to reach to the least number of panicles of rice variety depended upon the seedling ages. Thirty- to 40-day seedlings which were seeded during May 31 to June 10 developed the lowest number of panicles and 70- to 80-day seedlings sown for the period from April 11 to April 21 reached already to the minimum number of panicles. E. Number of rachillae. 13. To a certain seeding date, the number of rachillae didn't show any variation due to delay of seeding but it decreased remarkably when seeded later than the marginal date. 14. Variation in number of rachillae depended upon seedling ages. For example, 30- to 40-day old seedlings which, were originally seeded after May 31 started to decrease the rachillae. On the other hand, 80-day old seedlings which, were seeded on May 1 showed a tendency to decrease rachillae and the rice plant sown on May 31 could develop narrowly 3 or 4 panicles. F. Defective grain and 1.000-grain weights. 15. Under delay of the seeding dates, weight of the defective grains gradually increased till a certain date and then suddenly increased. These relationships could be expressed with two different linear regressions. 16. If it was assumed that the marginal date for ripening was the cross point of these two lines, the date seemed. closely related with seedling ages. The date was June 10- in 30- to 40-day old seedlings but that of 70- to 80-day old seedlings was May 1. Accordingly, the marginal date for ripening was getting earlier as the seedling stage was prolonged. 17. The 1.000-grain weight in ordinary culture was the heaviest and it decreased in both early and late cultures. G. Straw and rough rice weights. 18. Regardless of earliness of variety, rice plants under early culture which were seeded before March 22 or April 1 did not show much variation in straw weight due to seedling ages but in ordinary culture it gradually decreased and the degree was became greater in late culture. 19. Relationship between seeding dates (X) and grain weight related to varieties and seedling ages, could be expressed as a parabola analogous to a line (Y=77.28-7.44X$_1$-1.00lX$_2$). That is, grain yield didn't vary in early culture but it started to decrease when seeded later than a certain date, as seeding was delayed. The variation was much greater in cases of late planting and prolongation of seedling age. 20. Generally speaking, the relationship between grain yield (Y) and number of days to heading (X) was described with linear regression. However, the early varieties were the highest yielders within the range of 60 to 110, days to heading but the late variety greatly decreased its yield since it grows normally only under late culture. The grain yield, on the whole, didn't increase as number of days to heading exceeded more than 140 days.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.