• International Journal of Contents
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.66-86
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• 2020

With the rapid growth of high-tech, the development of cultural and creative industries has gradually become the focus of national industrial development. With the proposal of China's "Belt and Road" strategy, the role of cultural and creative industries in the provinces and cities along the "Belt and Road" in the entire international trade is becoming increasingly critical. It is necessary to explore solutions to improve the competitiveness of China's cultural and creative industries, factoring the surrounding cities of the "Belt and Road" as an example. Thus, this paper proposes the six-element diamond model based on innovation capability and government support to render a comprehensive evaluation of the competitiveness of the cultural and creative industries in the 31 provinces and cities across the country. The results show that the overall competitiveness of the 18 provinces and cities along the "Belt and Road" cultural and creative industries is weak. Focusing on the 18 provinces and cities along the "Belt and Road", using the linear regression measurement model quantitative analysis, the four types of influencing factors affecting the development of the competitiveness of cultural and creative industries along the "Belt and Road" were obtained. Finally, according to the four types of influence, the competitiveness improvement plan is proposed from the four aspects: government role, consumption preference, industrial innovation ability, and the introduction of high-quality talent.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.1695-1705
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• 2016

With the rapid development of global economic and trade, the ports in the North-east Asia region have developed greatly. In such a fierce competition, how to ascertain right evaluation methods to assess the competitiveness of the ports, and make scientific and rational development strategy for upgrading the overall level of competitiveness of ports in North-east Asia, has become the first task for all the ports for coping with the challenges. As China's sustained economic growth of more than 30 years, the economic power and comprehensive national strength has been changed, China's international status has been greatly improved. Also China has achieved remarkable new results in the construction of peripheral diplomacy, and further has consolidated the relationship of countries along the Silk Road Economic Belt. The strong position of RMB in foreign exchange market and the implementation of the strategy of "area" opening to the outside world accelerated economic belt along the silk road in China to the west open pace. On the basis of the SWOT analysis of the Lianyungang Port, combined with the comprehensive and practical port competitiveness evaluation indicators system and competitiveness evaluation method, calculate the competitiveness level of Lianyungang port in East China, and find out the problems must be solved. The development strategies for Lianyungang port under One Belt One Road were suggested.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.283-297
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• 2022

This study analyzed to strategy and structure of outward foreign direct investment(OFDI) by Chinese Enterprises in 'one belt, one load' countries along the line from the perspective of Dunning's OLI paradigm. Chinese enterprises' investment in 'one belt, one road' countries was largely promoted for two strategic purposes. One is an investment to secure energy resources due to the nature of resource holdings in 'one belt, one road' countries, and the other is a transfer investment to solve the problem of surplus facilities, a problem in China's domestic economy. Chinese enterprises' investments in these 'one belt, one road' countries is evaluated to have been made with Dunning's investment decision conditions in the OLI paradigm, namely, Ownership specific advantages, Location specific advantages, and Internalization specific advantages. only if there is a difference, investment country, investment method, and investment industry are different due to the structure of international relations, religious conflict and cultural heterogeneity, institutional investment environment of the region, and awareness of Chinese enterprises.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.251-261
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• 2018

Under the great influence of ICT technology, China is forging ahead steadily and rapidly in the area of smart farming. In the last decade, Chinese government has carried out strategic plans to promote its economic development in agriculture, such as the plan of Made In China 2025 and One Belt One Road initiative. This thesis's objective is to analyze how such plans and initiative can provide 'windows of opportunity' to the development of smart farming industry in China. China led the development of smart agriculture by making a T-shaped rise which is composed with 'One Belt One Road Initiative and Made in China 2025 Plan. This thesis is divided into three types as path-following catch-up, path-skipping catch-up, path-creating catch-upAs this thesis also manages to provide some implications on the export strategies of South Korea's smart farming industry by understanding chinese samrt farm industry.

• Maritime Security
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-123
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• 2021

Seoul is under increasing pressure to choose between the US-led IndoPacific Strategy (IPS) and China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Accordingly, this paper undertakes a detailed appraisal of the IPS and the BRI in the context of Korea's national policy imperatives. Based on a study of network structure by Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright (2007), the present study seeks to identify a particular network structure within the IPS and the BRI. Through this analysis, the relationship between the core and the participant states will be addressed. Awareness of specific configurations of the IPS and the BRI is important as these reveal what participant states can expect from each network. According to Nexon and Wright, there are four types of network structure: unipolar anarchy, hegemonic order, constitutional order, and imperial order. Based on this, we argue that the IPS has a constitutional order and the BRI has an imperial order. Therefore, we suggest to Seoul that participating in the IPS may make more room for an independent foreign policy than would a BRI partnership with China. South Korea would benefit by participating in the IPS in terms of its national security, striking a favourable regional balance of power.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.59-88
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• 2020

This study is to examine the influence of Asian countries on the economic field, and to explain the characteristics and purposes of China's Belt and Road Initiative using data analysis. The purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the influence and characteristics of China's One-to-One Road Initiative on the economic sector by examining trade and investment in Asian countries adjacent to China. In particular, the One-to-One Road initiative is proceeding in a way that connects China and neighboring countries. It is to understand the dependence of the Asian countries in China on the Chinese economy. In addition, it is intended to derive implications by grasping and evaluating what the level is based on data. This study also attempts to grasp the influence and ripple effects of the one-on-one strategy on the Chinese economy and the North Korean economy, where dependence is deepening. Recently, the strategy for Asian countries through a one-to-one initiative in China has been restructured in the framework of the construction of the "21st century Maritime Silk Road" and emphasizes the cooperation mechanism led by the country. In progress of the one Belt and One Road, Chinese ICT companies are remarkable. This study looked at the influence of China's digital one Belt and One Road on Asian countries.