• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.189-222
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• 2012

This study aims to explore Yulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥)'s political intention through his presenting Seonghakjibyo(The Essentials of the Studies of the Sages, 聖學輯要) to the King Seonjo(宣祖), paying attention to his political situation in early reign of the King. Until presenting the book to the King in December 1576(the 8th year of King Seonjo's reign), Yulgok had been neglected from the political development of the King. So his presenting Seonghakjibyo, which basically professed the perfection of the studies of the Sages(聖學), to the King included another aim to convert the King's negative view on him by synthesizing his political views and appealing to the King. Yulgok's political views are intensively summarized in the book's beginning "Jincha(進箚)" and the final chapter "Seonghyeondotong(聖賢道統)". Through "Jincha", he recalled the past of his political situation during early reign of the King and expressed his own will to participate in the government again by presenting this book that was the summary of his political views. Then through "Seonghyeondotong", he suggested his own specific political opinions to the King as the successor of Taotong(道統) in Chosun by expressing such an ethos that he succeeded directly to Chutzu(朱子). This study firstly tries to identify Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉)'s presenting Seonghaksibdo(The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, 聖學十圖) to the King and Yulgok's successive will on it. Then we will review the times till presenting Seonghakjibyo to the King, 8 years of early reign of King Seonjo when he had been neglected from the political development of the King. Finally we will specifically analyze how his political views are expressed in each beginning and final chapter of the book.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.385-413
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• 2012

This thesis is a study on the relation of between Xiangshu Zhouyi Theory and mathematics, Zhouyi Theory as the one of the study of Chinese classics, was formed by Zhouyi' Eight Diagrams, the theory of Yinyangwuxing and the knowledge of natural science in Han dynasty. 'Xiangshu' had been regarded as the important concept and theory in the history of Zhouyi Theory From the beginning of Han dynasty to the end of Qing dynasty. At this developing of this Periodical Change, 'Xiangshu' had been endoded in the expression system of mathematics. This thesis considers binary system and surplus nembers, multiple and progression, magic square and circular constant, a proportional expression from Zhouyi Theory point of view. Xiangshu Zhouyi theory got the answer of these questions like the origin of Zhouyi, interpreting Guayao-word and Cosmology by using those expression systems of mathematics. Besides mathematics, Xiangshu Zhouyi theory was also related to astronomy, medicine, etc. Xiangshu Zhouyi theory had kept the pace with the general development of natural science. This thesis from the premise that Xiangshu Zhouyi theory kept the pace with natural science, summing up the mathematical expression system in the history of Zhouyi theory, proves that Xiangshu Zhouyi theory had developed according as the conditions of natural science.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.143-168
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• 2013

The purpose of this paper is to study the succession and method of five-masters of southern school in transmitting the internal alchemy in Taoism which is established by Zhang Bo-duan. In history, the internal alchemy is divided into a few schools but all of them are under the umbrella of Zhang Bo-duan's alchemy. The five master's method has been consistent from Zhang Bo-duan to Seok Tae to Seol Do Gwang based on three reasons. First, they lived long while practicing the method. Second, they learned the method from their direct master secretly. Third, they kept practicing the individual method while staying in the secular world rather than in a religious body. I limit three of them Zhang Bo-Dan, Seok Tae, Seol Do Gwang as figures who practiced the pure internal alchemy. Thus I argue that the method stayed only for 200 years, arising from the late Dang Dynasty and disappearing in 1911, when Seol Do-Gwang was dead. This method can be instructed only to the appropriate figure, and the specific steps of method are taught through the oral instruction so that this method cannot be wide spread. Based on the fact that the time of practicing method is quite long and it needs intensive and constant efforts, it is difficult for a mundane person to practice and cope with the training. Jin Nam and Baek Ok Seom are believed that they belonged to the school of Shin So. Baek Ok Seom is regarded as a figure that made efforts to unite the school of Wei and the internal alchemy. However, he made lots of fabrication and discrepancy. Thus I state that Jin Nam and Baek Ok Seom need to be out in the succession and method of five masters of southern school in Taoism. Their changed method in quality needs to be organized in a new genealogy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.71-92
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• 2014

A series of the tragic 16th-century Sahwas sent Toegye into the depths of despair. In the face of the ensuing social disruption in which any criterion or direction is utterly lost, he could not but to reexamine the problem of human nature and good and evil. For Toegye, criterion or direction is connected with Principle, and human nature and the problem of good and evil are related with Mind. In other words, these problems are none other than the question: "As the subject of history and society, how a human being can set principle in a real world and realize it? How one can successfully control his wants and feelings with his rationality?" Toegye proposes that while laws and regulations should be reformed when they are outdated, good laws and regulations are not necessarily to be discarded. He also warns that ideal governance is not likely to be realized if only too conservatives take the lead while radicals, depended upon exclusively, would create too many problems.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.155-190
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• 2018

The paper has focused on the 20 Iching-hexagrams from the eleventh t'ai[ ] to the final one of the Upper Book li[離] to examine the principles of learning and education involved in Xugua zhuan[序卦傳], the Ordinal Sequence of the Hexagrams as one among Ten Wings in I Ching. Some implications involved in this part of the Book of Change provides us with numerous teachings and educational principles. I try to concisely note the three teachings of the major argument as shown in the paper. Firstly, we should take the process of learning as the circular system of thought[環 相型], not as the linear system assuming the final destination like the Final Cause in the Aristotelian teleology. In the same token, the process of learning should be regarded as 'initiation', which has been initially adopted to justify the concept of education by R. S. Peters. As a circular system, there are two kinds of initiation. The one sense is 'crossing the threshold of illiteracy' seen as 'small initiation', which apprehends the points of argument in the previous paper, namely, on hexagrams from ch'ien[乾] to t'ai[泰]. The other sense is 'getting on the inside of the worthwhile activities', seen as 'Grand Initiation', which apprehend the present points of argument. Secondly, as shown in the paper, the Book enables us to recognize the process of learning as 'Seeing What Is There'. This requires us the Principles of Mean and Perfection, which are to be taken differently from the Western ones. For this a learner should always hold the endless self-reflection and attitude to re-examine the original intention of one's own, whilst he is involved in the task of learning. Finally, we should take the Principles of Change seriously, such as extremity-reversibility[物極必反] and the sense of conformity, in order that we can establish the proper educational principles to tackle the social domains of learning as well as the personal ones.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.75-99
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• 2013

In this treatise, the writer aimed to discuss the points that the Zhouyi("周易") which Dasan(茶山) studied is connected with Xiangshuyixue(象數易學). First of all, Dasan(茶山) reconstructed Shiyi("十翼"). The unique thing is that he included such a new topic, called Shiguachuan("蓍卦傳") - manual of divination signs manual in the Shiyi("十翼"). This Shiguachuan("蓍卦傳") is concerned with the method of divination, and is deeply related to the Xiangshuyixue(象數易學). When it comes to the Zhouyi("周易") which Dasan(茶山) studied, Yilisifa(易理四法). As he discussed Xiang(象), it is connected to the Xiangshuyixue(象數易學). Also, there is a link between the Yilisifa(易理四法) and the Shiguachuan("蓍卦傳"). Dasan(茶山) argued that the Yilisifa(易理四法) is a must in interpreting Zhouyi("周易"). Thus, it can be said that the Zhouyi("周易") which Dasan(茶山) studied is connected with the Xiangshuyixue(象數易學). Next, the writer examined Duyiyaozhi("讀易要旨"), Yilun(易論) and Chunqiu guanzhanbuzhu("春秋官占補註")- literally, annotated collection of divination practice by compiler or editor of annals, etc. Duyiyaozhi("讀易要旨") is related to the Xiangshuyixue(象數易學), too. The writer was able to find out the fact that, in relation to the Divination Signs Manual, the Chunqiuguanzhanbuzhu("春秋官占補註") was also connected with the Xiangshuyixue(象數易學). Through these studies, the writer was able to see that how much Dasan(茶山) had exerted his efforts to define and describe Xiang(象) and Shu(數).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.129-162
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• 2013

Noju Oh Hui-sang was a Confucian who was active during the reign of King Sunjo in late Joseon Dynasty and he also was a master of the Sallim faction. Though he is known as an eclectic Neo-Confucian, he had profound knowledge in the study of Confucian classics as well through succeeding the family study handed down by his father Oh Jae-sun and his oldest brother Oh Yun-sang. This thesis hereby examines Noju's Confucianism doctrine and its characteristics. Noju's Confucianism doctrine is characterized significantly with the following aspects. First, its analyses are detailed overall and it annotates chapters and verses mostly related to Neo-Confucian theories on interpretation of the Confucian classics. Second, it conducts in-depth study not only on Chu Hsi's annotation but also on the small commentaries (小注) in Compendium of the Commentaries on Four Chinese Classics (四書集註大全). In terms of Chu Hsi's theory, however, Noju interprets Confucian classics while supplementing shortcomings on Chu Hsi's theory rather than opposing it. For opinions of all philosophers and scholars on small commentaries, it expresses rather critical theories than supporting ones. Third, it quotes many theories not only of Chinese Confucians but also of Korean ones. It mainly introduces theories of Namdang Han Won-jin, including those of Yi Yulgok. Among them, it particularly has frequent quotations from Han Won-jin's Kyoungyigimunrok (經義記聞錄). Fourth, Noju actively acknowledges senior Confucians' theories many times in quoting them but he also daringly points out their errors when a theory is thought not to be appropriate. He indicates errors one by one in theories not only of Uam and Yulgok but even of Mencius. Fifth, it especially discusses Book of Changes (周易) in depth. It tends to criticize Chengzi's I-Chuan (易傳) but accept Chu Hsi's Benyi (本義). It roughly explains Book of Changes in general but seldom directly accounts for trigrams of it other than Qian trigram and it has detailed explanation especially on Xicizhuan (繫辭傳).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.63-100
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• 2017

In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.35-61
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• 2017

The formation process of Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) in Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派) was examined. Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) succeeded to the methods of Huti (互體) and Yaobian(爻變) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Ha-bin(河濱), and Dasan(茶山) thought that he couldn't cover Zhouyi("周易") just with this one method. So he suggested the four methods called Yilisifa(易理四法), and supplemented it with 18 methods through Duyiyaozhi(?讀易要旨?). Accordingly, the process of how Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) was established was examined one by one. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho Lee Ik(星湖李瀷), the leading master of Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派). Nevertheless, Dasan(茶山) argued that the method of Huti(互體) had been from Zhu Xi(朱子). However, this argument of Dasan(茶山)'s seems to have resulted from Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. As a way to interpret Zhouyi(?周易?), Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱). However, Dasan(茶山) argued that Yaobian(爻變)was Zhu Xi(朱子)'s intention. He had no choice but this because of Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱), but Dasan(茶山) proposed the four key methods called Yilisifa(易理四法). Many researchers have argued that, as for Dasan(茶山)'s modern viewpoint, Dasan(茶山) developed Yi Xue(易學) in a similar way as Xihe Mauqiling(西河 毛奇齡). However, this viewpoint cannot be judged to have been similar as it was expressed when Dasan(茶山) himself criticized Xihe(西河)'s Jingxueguan(經學觀).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.189-220
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• 2013

In this paper, the discussion on Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism is examined through the comparison with Hundred Schools of Thought. The ideas of School of Naturalists including Zou Yan or those of the Five Elements were fundamentally for the purpose of observing the regularity of changing dynasty. However, this perspective had not been emphasized as a subject of Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought until the end of the Era of Warring States. Even though it is true that Hundred Schools of Thought applied the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in common based on the understanding of the idea, but it failed to be connected to each ideological system. The fundamental reason for this can be found in the difference between the awareness of a reality and the concept of history in Hundred Schools of Thought. Where were the characteristics and reasonable opinions of the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism from? The most important feature of Mohism is to form independent, collective, cooperative groups based on the people of lower classes at that time and to consider God an ideological presumption. Therefore, in reality, it concentrated only on sociopolitical stability and maintenance of their own labor activities, and it was difficult for them to focus on an objective regularity of a national system or change of dynasty. In addition, due to the characteristics of individual groups, it was hard to have a macroscopic viewpoint not only on a national system, but also on others as in Zou Yan's Dae-gu-ju-seol(大九州說). With respect to this, at least, Xunzi, before the unification, gives a valid criticism. In the end, the effort to design a new political system and to secure ideological legitimacy on the assumption of the unification of the nations of the Warring States period became more specific through the edition of $L{\ddot{u}}shi$ Chunqiu (呂氏春秋), so-called Mixed School(雜家) or Synthesized School(綜合家).