• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.42
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• pp.7-40
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• 2000

This paper examines the changes $(1982{\sim}1992)$ of social welfare expenditures of 12 welfare states. This paper focuses on two questions. First, to what extent have there been changes in social welfare expenditure (total social welfare expenditures, income support expenditures, social service expenditures) of 12 welfare states? Second, what are the causes of the changes in social welfare expenditures? Using Comparative Welfare States Data Set by Stephens(1997) and Social Expenditure Database by OECD (1999), this paper attempts to answer two questions. Fuller-Battese model, a data analysis method in pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis, is adopted to identify variables predicting social welfare expenditure changes. This paper analyzes the predictors separately according to the types of welfare states by Esping-Andersen (1990). Predictors are different by the types of welfare states; thus, economic variables such as GDP and financial deficiency have effects on social welfare expenditures of Liberal and Corporatist welfare states. while they have no effects in Social Democratic welfare states. Political variables has effects on social welfare expenditures of Corporatist welfare states, not of Liberal and Social Democratic welfare states. Demographic variables has effects on social welfare expenditures of Social Democratic welfare states rather than Liberal and Corporatist welfare states. This paper provides an additional knowledge about social welfare expenditure changes of 12 welfare states and discusses implications for the development of welfare state in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.453-474
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• 1998

This paper attempts to analyse the patriarchal characteristics of welfare states. Increasingly, debates on welfare states are explicitly focusing on the relationships between state, market and family. How these relationships are structured forms the core parts of the particular welfare states, that is they give shape to different welfare state regimes. Although welfare states have developed incresingly, there are some problems that sustain these states asymmetrical, unequal, even sexist. In this paper, I want to make these problems visible by the terms of gender division of labour, the model of male work and the changing characteristics of patriarchy. Firstly, from the feminist perspective, we can point the fact that the welfare states are structured by gender. Welfare states take it for granted that our socities are based on the assumption of gender division of labour, what is called male breadwinner/ female dependent. And the state takes this gendered family as the stereotype in our societies. Secondly, it is not sufficient condition for men and women to perform satisfactory life of work and family that welfare states provide childcare center on an extensive scale. This is because that our societies are runned by "the model of male work". Thirdly, we can find that the characteristics of patriarchy of welfare state are changing. These changes can be explained from the 'private patriarchy' to the 'public patriarchy', in other words, from the women's dependence to individual man to the dependence to the state/ public sectors. And also under these changes, we can find the potent possibilities for women to take economic activities and independent self-supports.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2002.10a
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• pp.227-263
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• 2002

The Scandinavian cluster of welfare societies has for many years been considered a realisation of Richard Titmuss' institutional redistributive model of social policy. Recent reforms have, however challenged this assumption. The paper sets out to evaluate whether recent major changes in welfare provision are merely modifying the model or whether the Scandianian states are converging towards some kind of European social model. It is concluded that besides very many first order changes, such as reducing benefits, an number of second and third order changes have occurred; i.e. the institutional setting and the objective of the welfare states have changed during the 1990s. The Scandinavian welfare states are still distinct, but less so than a decade or two ago. The new elements are features usually associated with welfare models at play within the European Union. It is, hence, concluded that welfare in Scandinavia is undergoing a process of Europeanisation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.39
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• pp.74-102
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• 1999

The integrated global economic system have intensed Liberalization, dereguration, privatization. National states were subordinated in global economic system. To save social costs and to encourage the national competition power, the globalized market tends to reduce the domestic social expention. Truely anxious things are not the defectiveness of capitalism itself but neo-liberal measures of each national states. So neo-liberal globalization beat welfare states. Welfare and growth, accumulation and justice are inter-conflict elements, and these confliction is well explained in context of globalization. Stratigies of growth pursuing economic benefits subordinate social policy in economic policy. Globalization did not always reduce the power of national state, but each national states purposely reduce the power of state and state participations. Thus Globalization can be overcome and must be overcome, eventually, the history of social welfare in korea differ frome that of European states. Their's social welfare retrenchment have based on the excessly expeneded welfare provision, but the frame of social welfare in korea is not yet established in history. Fundamentally historic experiences between European and korean social welfare are different. So "the third way" in korea must be in carefull approaches and the social welfare policy in korea must purchase "anti-market policy" and the equal distribution.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.4
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• pp.277-299
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• 2011

The current study analyzed the tax structure in the welfare states. The appropriate tax structure of universal welfare state should be based on expanding all taxes, rather than choosing between direct and indirect, progressive and regressive, or mobile and immobile tax. The revenue for the universal welfare payment should be raised by levying tax on all people provided that the welfare payment is made available to all people. The analysis led to classification of tax structure into the high tax European model and the low tax English and East Asian model. The high tax European model was further classified into the balance tax model and the high social security model. The low tax English and East Asian model was classified into the low social security model and the high property tax model. Based on the results, the study maintained that the universal welfare states need not only to expand welfare resources but to develop tax system that corresponds to the universal welfare system.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.185-214
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• 2012

After the introduction of the three welfare regimes by Esping-Andersen, discussion on 'other' types of welfare regimes was facilitated and the scholarly focus on East Asian economic development gradually shifted to the East Asian welfare states discussion from the late 1990s. Literature on East Asian welfare states increased our understanding on the characteristics of not only the East Asian welfare state as a whole but also of each country in the region. However, compared the attention given to developing variables and empirical studies on the East Asian welfare state, less attention has been given to the concept of East Asian welfare states. Recognizing the limitation in developing comparable variables without a concept analysis of the East Asian welfare states, this study highlights the importance of conceptualization and concept analysis in comparative social policy studies. This paper first discusses on the concepts, conceptualization and on the use of set theory in comparative social policy research. Next, the study argues the validity of 'functional equivalence' in the East Asian welfare state studies and critically reviews the existing literature. Lastly, this paper suggests how the concept of functional equivalence can be successfully employed for the East Asian welfare states studies with a concept analysis and by applying a set theory including the fuzzy set theory.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.31
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• pp.313-338
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• 1997

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.45
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• pp.126-155
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• 2001

It has been 5 years since evaluation systems were introduced to the social welfare field in Korea. More than half of social welfare agencies (617 out of 1,267) were evaluated in the past two years. Most areas of the agencies were the target of an extensive evaluation in 2000. As "the Evaluation Era" has come, problems were raised especially regarding the Accreditation system of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. More specifically, the problems were related to operation and management of the evaluation systems including the issue of evaluators' objectivity and fairness. In addition, evaluation costs have been too high to the government. The evaluation systems of OECD nations including the United States were quite different. These nations have used the Performance Measurement in order to secure the objectivity and the fairness. Although the quantity of information was limited compared to that of the Accreditation system, these nations have taken the lead in the governmental evaluation. In this context, this study compared social welfare evaluation systems between Korea and the United States. It presented the current status and problems of the Accreditation system of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, discussed the American Performance Measurement and its limitations, and compared the strengths and weaknesses of the two evaluation systems. In addition, this study suggested the strategies of Korean evaluation systems in the long term as well as in the short term.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.2
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• pp.161-181
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• 2015

This article tries to identify the regulating mechanism of the welfare states on the private spheres of individuals and families. When the welfare state is to be understood as an institutional arrangement which is based upon the 'modernity', the reflectivity on the welfare state is about to be on the modernity and on the institutions as well. Authors assume the welfare state as an historical and developmental type of modern states. The critical components of modernity embedded in birth and growth of modern welfare states projected to their institutions are identified. Welfare states dissociates the political dynamics which have built the foundation of the welfare state itself, and faces against the new political dynamics of the individualized society. Finally, welfare state confronts the institution failure due to its intrinsic characteristics, and consequently individuals and families come across the institution dependency. Individuals in the overly rationalized spheres are being depoliticized, and they are identified themselves as the subjects of status-struggles of the institutions other than the subjects of the political dynamics of welfare states.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.271-297
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• 2005

Since the 1980s, the western welfare states have experienced a wide spectrum of socio-economic changes; changes in population composition, the economic globalization, the post-industrialization, an increasing flexibility in the labor market. etc. This study examines the trend of poverty in welfare states, and analyzes how those socio-economic changes are related to it. For these purposes, this study first calculates the poverty indices for several years in 10 welfare states using the Luxembourg Income Study database, and then decomposes the index by subpopulation and income sources. Major findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First of all, the welfare state in general has experienced an increasing trend in the degree of poverty since the 1980s. In particular, poverty has greatly intensified in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. Many other welfare states including Canada, Germany, Sweden, and Norway have also experienced substantial increases in poverty. The increasing trend of poverty is not wholly due to changes in population composition such as increases in the aging population and one-parent(mother) families. Contrary to the traditional belief, these population groups are not as much poor as the working-age population. In particular, the degree of poverty in the elderly is less severe than in the working-age group. Furthermore, since the 1980s the market income poverty in the aging population has shown a decreasing trend in many welfare states. The degree and trend of poverty in one-parent families vary greatly across countries, owing to the labor market and income transfer policies. The most important reason for the increasing poverty trend in the welfare state is that the degree of poverty has been deepening in the working-age population. Especially, the market income poverty of the working-age population has considerably increased in every country except the Netherlands. Structural changes in the economy and the labor market may drive the increasing trend of poverty. Further studies and deliberate anti-poverty policies are needed to tackle the factors relating to the increase in the market income poverty.