• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.8
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• pp.579-587
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to investigate how Korean learners perceive English vowels and further to test SLM which claims that new L2 vowel categories are more easily acquired than similar L2 vowel categories. Twenty Korean learners participated in English-to-Korean mapping test and English vowel identification test with target vowels /i, ɪ, u, ʊ, ɛ, æ/. The result revealed that Korean participants mapped the English pairs /i/-/ɪ/ and /u/-/ʊ/ onto single Korean vowel /i/ and /u/, respectively. in addition, both of English /ɛ/ and /æ/ were simultaneously mapped onto Korean /e/ and /ɛ/. This indicated that the Korean participants seemed to have perceptual difficulty for the pairs /i-ɪ/, /u-ʊ/, and /ɛ-æ/. The result of the forced-choice identification test showed that the accuracy of /ɪ, ʊ, æ/(ɪ: 81.3%, ʊ: 62.5%, æ: 60.0%) was significantly higher than that of /i, u, ɛ/(i: 28,8%, u: 28.8%, ɛ: 32.4%). Thus, the claim of SLM is confirmed given that /ɪ, ʊ, æ/ are new vowel categories whereas /i, u, ɛ/ are similar vowel categories. Further, the conspicuously low accuracy of the similar L2 vowel categories /i, u, ɛ/ was accounted for by over-generalization whereby the Korean participants excessively replaced L2 similar /i, u, ɛ/ with L2 new /ɪ, ʊ, æ/ as the participants were learning the L2 new vowel categories in the process of acquisition. Based on the findings this study, pedagogical suggestions are provided.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.109-119
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• 2014

This article represents a first step in a large study aimed at elucidating the relationship between production and perception involved in sound change of /o/ in (Seoul) Korean. In this paper we present the results of a production study and a perception experiment. For the production study we examined vowel production data of 20 young adult speakers, measuring the first and second formants, then conducted a discriminant analysis based on those values. In terms of their F1-F2 values, the distribution of /o/ and /u/ were close, and even overlapping in some circumstances, which is consistent with the literature. This tendency was more apparent among the female speakers than the males. Moreover, with the females' distributions, /o/ was frequently categorized as /u/, suggesting that the direction of the sound change is indeed increasing from /o/ to /u/. Next, to investigate the effects of this proximity on perception, we used the production data of five randomly selected speakers from the production study as stimuli for a perception experiment in which 21 young adult native speakers of (Seoul) Korean performed a vowel identification task and provided a Goodness rating on a 5-point scale. We found that while rates of correctness were high, when these correctness scores were weighted by the Goodness rating, these "weighted correctness" scores were lower in some cases, indicating a degree of confusion in distinguishing between the two vowels.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.7-21
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• 2006

The intent of the present study is to investigate the acoustic properties of Korean /w/ in various phonological contexts, compare them with those of English /w/, and attempt to explain why English /w/'s are perceived differently by Korean speakers depending on the phonological contexts. Experiments 1 and 2 present the acoustic measure of F2 of Korean /w/ in various linguistic positions and show that unlike English /w/, Korean /w/ shows quite a strong coarticulation with the following vowel. Based on these experiments, Experiment 3 investigates why English /w/ is adapted differently into Korean. Specifically, it discusses why English /wain/ is adapted as /wain/ whereas English /twin/ is adapted into Korean as $/t^{h_i}win/$ with an extra vowel. This study argues that the different perception of English /w/ by Korean and English speakers is due to the different F2 transitional pattern of /w/ in Korean and English in various phonological contexts. It also argues that the F2 transitional pattern is an important factor in the perception of /w/.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2002.03a
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• pp.54-62
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• 2002

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.17-27
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• 2009

Despite many studies on the production and perception of L2 phonemes, studies on how such phonemes are encoded lexically remain scarce. The aim of this study is to examine whether L2 learners have a perceptual problem with L2 suprasegmentals which are not present in their L1, or if they are able to perceive but not able to encode them in their lexicon. Specifically, Korean learners were tested to see if they could discriminate the vowel length differences in Japanese at the psychoacoustic level through a simple AX discrimination task. Then, a speeded lexical decision task with high phonetic variability was conducted to see whether they could use such contrasts lexically. The results showed that Korean learners of Japanese have no difficulties in discriminating Japanese vowel length contrast, but they are unable to encode such contrast in their phonological representation, even with long L2 exposure.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.6
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• pp.1043-1065
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• 2011

This study investigates i-umlaut which occurred in the period of pre Old English (OE) in two aspects: what motivates i-umlaut in OE and how the phenomenon can be analyzed within the framework of OT. Unlike root-controlled vowel harmony, i-umlaut in OE is triggered by the suffixal i or j in the unstressed syllable whereby a stressed root vowel becomes fronted or raised. In this study, it is proposed that i-umlaut in OE is driven by the weak trigger i or j to improve its poor perception: I-umlaut improves the poor perceptibility of the weak trigger by extending its feature-either [-back] or [-low]-onto the vowel in the stressed syllable. This study provides an OT-theoretic analysis utilizing the licensing account to vowel harmony proposed by Walker (2004, 2005). The licensing constraints, IDENT-IO(F) and the locally conjoined constraints are proposed and their interaction correctly captures the pattern of i-umlaut in OE. Also, it is shown that the licensing account proposed in this paper is superior to the previous analyses as well as the nonlicensing approaches in that it can provide a perceptual motivation couched in i-umlaut in OE.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.91-112
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• 1998

This paper aimed at examining the influence of L1 (native language) phonology when speakers of L1 perceive L2 (foreign language) sounds. Korean and Japanese learners of English took a perception test of Australian English words 'work', 'walk' and 'wok'. Based on Korean and Japanese phonology, it was predicted that Korean subjects would face more difficulties than Japanese subjects. The results of the experiment substantiated the influence of L1 phonology in L2 learners' L2 sound perception.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.39-46
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• 2013

This study examined the perception of two Korean vowels using F1/F2 manipulated synthetic vowels. Previous studies indicated that there is an overlap between the acoustic spaces of Korean /o/ and /u/ in terms of the first two formants. A continuum of eleven synthetic vowels were used as stimuli. The experiment consisted of three tasks: an /o/ identification task (Yes-no), an /u/ identification task (Yes-no), and a forced choice identification task (/o/-/u/). ROC(Receiver Operating Characteristic) analysis and logistic regression were performed to calculate the boundary criterion of the two vowels along the stimulus continuum, and to predict the perceptual judgment on F1 and F2. The result indicated that the location between stimulus no.5 (F1 = 342Hz, F2 = 691Hz) and no.6 (F1 = 336Hz, F2 = 700Hz) was estimated as a perceptual boundary region between /o/ and /u/, while stimulus no.0 (F1=405Hz, F2=666Hz) and no.10 (F1=321Hz, F2=743Hz) were at opposite ends of the continuum. The influence of F2 was predominant over F1 on the perception of the vowel categories.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2005.11a
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• pp.189-192
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• 2005

This study investigates the asymmetry effect between acoustics and perception. The examined cues are closure duration, closure voicing, VOT, release, pre-vowel duration, post-vowel duration. Five native speakers of English and 30 Korean college students participated in the present study. The results showed that high level Korean English learners parallels native speakers in their responses, while mid and low level Korean learners are substantially different from natives.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2000.07a
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• pp.86-87
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• 2000

In this paper, we discuss why two different surface forms appear in loanwords for English and German /${\int}$/ In Korean, a vowel is inserted into loanwords if a consonant cannot be properly syllabified. Therefore, /${\int}$/ in some positions of loanwords trigger vowel insertion. Interestingly, /${\int}$/s in the onset cluster of English and German words were borrowed in Korean as Iful with the inserted vowel [u] whereas If Is in the coda position of English and German words were borrowed as Ifil with the inserted vowel [i]. For example, 'shrimp' is adopted as [${\int}urimphi$] whereas 'rush' is adopted as [$ra{\int}i$]. In this paper, we attempt to find out the phonetic reason for the distribution of the surface forms of /${\int}$/. We assume that since the formant frequency of [i] is higher than that of [u], the peak frequency of /${\int}$/ with the surface form of [${\int}$i] in loanwords may be higher than that of /${\int}$/ with the surface form of [${\int}u$]. We also assume that duration may be another factor for the distribution of [${\int}i$] and [${\int}u$]. Since /${\int}$/ and /u/ use lip rounding whereas /i/ doesn't, the duration for [${\int}i$] might be longer than that of [${\int}u$]. German supports our assumption. /${\int}$/ in the onset cluster is longer than /${\int}$/ in the coda position. It also has higher peak frequency than that of /${\int}$/ in the coda position. In loanwords, ${\int}$ in the onset cluster is borrowed as [${\int}u$] as in Spiegel whereas /${\int}$/ in the coda position is borrowed as [${\int}i$] as in Bosch. English, however, does not support our assumption. Peak frequency of [${\int}$] depends on the preceding vowel, not on its position in the syllable structure. If the preceding vowel is front, then the peak freuency of the following of the following /${\int}$/ is high but if the preceding vowel is back, than the peak frequency of the following /${\int}$/ is low. The peak frequency of /${\int}$/ in the onset cluster seems to be in between. As we assumed, however, the duration of /${\int}$/ in the coda position is longer than of /${\int}$/ in the onset cluster. With the mixed results, we question whether Koreans really hear two different xounds for /${\int}$/ in English words. For the future experiment, we would like to perform the perception tet for /${\int}$/ in English words.