• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
• /
• v.4 no.2
• /
• pp.210-217
• /
• 1997

Purpose: To prevent residual physical disability and chronic infection, prompt diagnosis and adequate treatment are important in the skeletal infections in children. Although radioisotope scanning is knwon as the method of choice for early diagnosis of bone infection, we conducted a study on twenty nine children who had skeletal infections to reevaluate the most appropriate way in diagnosis and management. Methods: A retrospective study was conducted on twenty nine children, who were admitted to the departments of Pediatrics and Orthopedic Surgery and who had acute osteomyelitis or septic arthritis, through review of medical records, radiologic & radioisotope study results. Their diagnoses were confirmed by bacteriologic cultures on the aspirated specimens from suspected bony lesions. Results: 1) Among twenty nine patients, there were 6 infants including 5 newborn infants, and 23 children were aged between 1 and 15 years. Male to female ratio was 1.4 to 1. 2) Point tenderness was noted in all cases, and the common physical signs were swelling, limitation of motion, fever and local heat in the order of frequency. 3) Fifty two percents of the patients were diagnosed within a week after onset of symptoms and all cases were within 15 days. 4) Leukocytosis was noted in only 58.6% of cases but erythrocyte sedimentation rate was increased in all cases except only one case. Staphylococcus aureus was revealed as the most common etiologic agent. 5) Radioisotope scans showed hot uptake in five of six cases(83.3%) who had no abnormal finding on plain skeletal radiolograms. Conclusions: Although radioisotope scan and MRI are helpful in early diagnosis before radiologic finding was detected on plain X-ray film, the antimicrobial therapy can be started after bacteriologic study of the aspirated specimens from the suspected skeletal lesions if skeletal infection is highly suspected clinically.

• Journal of agriculture & life science
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.101-107
• /
• 2011

A Total of 48,101 performance records of sows for Yorkshire and Landrace breeds were collected from swine breeding farms in Korea from 2001 to 2008. A general ingredient analysis included the fixed effects of breed, parity, year, season, and farm. For the number of heads per 1st parity analysis by each growth traits, the data of 48,101 heads was used to analyze growth traits group. In the general ingredient analysis, the results showed high significance except for lean percentage by season (p<0.05). Average daily gain of Landrace breed ($640.48{\pm}0.749g$) was better than that of Yorkshire breed ($624.22{\pm}0.608g$), and the backfat thickness of Yorkshire breed ($13.44{\pm}0.030mm$) was thicker than that of Landrace breed ($12.50{\pm}0.037mm$). For the number of born alive and number of stillborn by growth traits for each breed, number of born decreased after test end day of 161 to 165 day, and average daily gain of 620 g to 640 g and the highest number of born appeared at the backfat thickness of 13 mm to 14 mm for yorkshire breed. In case of Landrace breed, number of born was the highest, and the number of stillborn increased together with average daily gain. The number of born was high when backfat thickness was less than 11 mm. The number of born trended to decrease when backfat thickness increased.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.4
• /
• pp.192-211
• /
• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
• /
• v.21 no.2
• /
• pp.75-103
• /
• 2020

There is a growing voice that medical information should be shared because it can prepare for genetic diseases or cancer by analyzing and utilizing medical information in big data or artificial intelligence to develop medical technology and improve patient care. The utilization and protection of patients' personal information are the same as two sides of the same coin. Medical institutions or medical personnel should take extra caution in handling personal information with high environmental distinct characteristics and sensitivity, which is different from general information processors. In general, the patient's personal information is processed by medical personnel or medical institutions through the processes of collection, creation, and destruction. Still, the use of terms related to personal information in the Medical Service Act is jumbled, or the scope of application is unclear, so it relies on the interpretation of precedents. For the medical personnel or the founder of the medical institution, in the case of infringement of Article 24(4), it cannot be regarded that it means only medical treatment information among personal information, whether or not it should be treated the same as the personal information under Article 23, because the sensitive information of patients is recorded, saved, and stored in electronic medical records. Although the prohibition of information leakage under Article 19 of the Medical Service Act has a revision; 'secret' that was learned in business was revised to 'information', but only the name was changed, and the benefit and protection of the law is the same as the 'secret' of the criminal law, such that the patient's right to self-determination of personal information is not protected. The Privacy Law and the Local Health Act consider the benefit and protection of the law in 'information learned in business' as the right to self-determination of personal information and stipulate the same penalties for personal information infringement such as leakage, forgery, alteration, and damage. The privacy regulations of the Medical Service Act require that the terms be adjusted uniformly because the jumbled use of terms can confuse information subjects, information processors, and shows certain limitations on the protection of personal information because the contents or scope of the regulations of the Medical Service Law for special corporations and the Privacy Law may cause confusion in interpretation. The patient's personal information is sensitive and must be safely protected in its use and processing. Personal information must be processed in accordance with the protection principle of Privacy Law, and the rights such as privacy, freedom, personal rights, and the right to self-determination of personal information of patients or guardians, the information subject, must be guaranteed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.31-61
• /
• 2010

This thesis proposes to explore the theatre aesthetics of North-Korea during after the Liberation. From now South-Korean theorists have provided the theatre aesthetics of North-Korea to South-Korea, so we can say that it lacks of an equity. For example, South-theorists have said that North-Korean theatre only emphasized politics and propaganda, they have had not any aesthetics in performance. So this study focused on North-Korean critics and records for fairness and as a result something new is founded. The best theatres in North-Korea were some works which contains natural and proper lines to character, well-expressed inner desires of characters, realistic acting and stage design, and realistic life of working class. Of course they should reflect communist ideology and policy, but more important is that it did not mean everything in North-Korea. So we can say that it is fact that North-Korea should reflect their policy, which does not mean lack of aesthetics of performance. North-Korea had an obvious point of view for theatre, and they made an effort to realistic lines, movements and stage. During right after the Liberation, North Korea sought to find an answer for 'realization of true life', and sought to eliminate Japanese acting style in theatre. Concluded theatre aesthetics of North-Korea during right after the Liberation is realistic acting and directing style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.47 no.4
• /
• pp.136-161
• /
• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.48 no.4
• /
• pp.24-43
• /
• 2015

Since 2011, when Oegyujanggak Uigwe(Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty) were returned from France, which were looted in 1866 by the French Navy, national attention to our cultural properties abroad was explosively increased and public pressure has been mounting that those cultural properties should be returned in Korea. According to the statistics of "Overseas Korean Cultural Heritage Foundation" Korean cultural Properties, which exist in foreign countries, amounts 160,342 in total 20 countries. Among them about half of them are estimated to be illegally exported cultural property, these are to be restituted. However, in reality it is not so easy to restitute illegally exported cultural properties. For this, it needs to be established a long-term and systematic plan for return of cultural properties from other countries. This paper starts from such a critical mind and tries to find legal policy measures for the return of illegally exported cultural properties. To this end, the author first describes motive and aim of this research in chapter I. and overviews basic understanding and current situation of export of cultural property as well as means and methods of return of cultural property in chapter II. and then deals with international and national norms that are involved in the dispute concerned return of cultural properties in chapter III. Based on this research, in chapter IV., which can be considered as a key part of this paper, the author proposed nine legal policy measures for restitution of cultural properties from foreign countries. That is, actual condition survey of cultural properties in foreign countries, unified management and implement of export ID on cultural properties, fund-raising for the diversification of means of return of cultural properties. local utilization of cultural properties, joining in the multilateral conventions and expansion of the bilateral agreements, restitution and cooperation through international organizations, restitution through lawsuit and arbitration, training experts on restitution of cultural property and networking with foreign experts. Finally, the author summarized his opinion in chapter V. which comprehended researching the above.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.9-42
• /
• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.175-212
• /
• 2014

In 2001 a large amount of labor record have been donated from Jeontaeil Labor Archive-Institute to SungKongHoe University(SKHU). Institute of Labor History in SKHU was established in the wake of the installation of the labor archive. Development of oral archive raised the awareness of the various relationships between the use and production of labor record. Interviewees of oral testimony expressed dissatisfaction and the role of the researchers was not sufficiently exhibited. Examining the main cases of Korea union movement history, we can find contradictions between the use and production of labor record clearly. Interval of interpretation and memory was too big between the parties of 'democratic' union movement in the 1970s. While among the parties who took part in Guro Alliance Strike of 1985, there is a group that remains in the "winner" in history on the one hand, but "loser" on the other without any reasonable criterion. Active intervention of the record users(researchers) is very limited. Among citizens or workers how will be resolved such "struggle of memory" in due process can not be seen. This is one of the reasons why labor archive is not rooted in the region. In this paper, I present a methodological alternatives for the production and use of records through the construction of participatory labor archive. Further, the reconstituted contents of the "documenting locality" strategy by complementing the theoretical part of the method of participation. The study of local and locality requires a "scale" dimension that will make up the identity recognition space, a memory and identity, a social relationship rather than the dimension of the physical space. Alternative "documenting locality" strategy will be able to contribute to solve the problems that occur between the production and use of the recording in labor archive.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.152-171
• /
• 2009

The Dancheong(丹靑) of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple(美黃寺) in Haenam(海南) is the leading work of the Jeolla Dancheong style, which was created in the 18th century and has been passed down to the early modern days, and boasts its excellence and originality. On the outside, one can only see the traces of the Dancheong due to the colors that fell off and deteriorated severely. On the inside, however, the general Dancheong pattern is accompanied by the painting of 1,000 Buddhas(千佛圖), which is hardly found in other Buddhist temples, and the Arahan painting, which is truly magnificent in technique and can pass as an independent painting. The Dancheong also has unique methodological characteristics that can't be found in other Dancheong works such as the painting and attaching technique. The Dancheong inside is estimated to have been created in 1754 considering the records of "Dalmasan Mihwangsasa Daebeopdang Jungsusangryangmun(達摩山美黃寺大法堂重修上樑文)", the calligraphical writings of "Mudeungsanindanhwakya(無等山人丹?也)"and "Geonryungshipgu(乾隆十九)" left in the Jungryang, and the style characteristics reflected in the Dancheong patterns and the painting of 1,000 Buddhas. The fact that there are no traces of re-Dancheong also supports the estimation that the Dancheong was created in the absolute age of 1754. The absolute age will be the reference of deciding the chronological years of Dancheong patterns and be helpful in examining the characteristics and changes by the periods. There were certain style characteristics in Dancheong by the periods and regions. The Dancheong of Jeolla region also had its own style, which includes the tendency of finishing with two- or three-fold green belts without giving meokdanggi to the meoricho and the huge jar decoration of huigol. Treating the baetbadak of all materials, whether it's Geumdancheong or morodancheong, with lines of certain thickness and colors is another style of Jeolla Dancheong from the 18th to the 20th century. The Dancheong of the Geukrakbojeon(極樂寶殿) of Cheoneunsa Buddhist Temple and Daewoongbojeon(大雄寶殿) of Naesosa Buddhist Temple in Jeolla is especially noteworthy in that it bears similar patterns and techniques to that of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple in addition to the characteristics mentioned above. The Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple must have exerted so great influences on that of the two temples that it's called "the style of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple."When adopting a broader point of view, it can be classified as one of the Dancheong styles of Jeolla. The common icons and techniques found in the Dancheong of Mihwangsa, Cheoneunsa, and Naesosa Buddhist Temple provide some clues about the influential relationships among painters of the days. They may have been created by the painters of the same school or the painters affected by those who created the Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple.