• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.11-28
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• 2021

Due to its size and complex characteristics, it is not often to newly create a large park within an existing urban area. Also, there has been a lack of research on the planting design methodologies for a large park. This study aims to elucidate how ecological ideas can be applied to planting practice from a designer's perspective, and eventually suggest a planting design framework in the actual case, the Central Park in the City of Gwangju. This framework consists of spatial structure of planting area in order to connect and unite the separated green patches, to adapt to the changes of existing vegetation patterns, to maintain the visual continuity of landscape, and to organize the whole open space system. The framework can be provided for the spatial planning and planting design phase in which the landscape designer flexibly uses it with the design intentions as well as with an understanding of the physical, social, and aesthetic characteristics of the site. The significance of this approach is, first that it can maintain ecological and visual consistency of the both existing and introduced landscapes as a whole in spite of its intrinsic complexity and largeness, and second that it can help efficiently respond to the unexpected changes in the landscape. In the case study, comprehensive site analysis is conducted before developing the framework. In particular, wetlands and grasslands have been identified as potential wildlife habitat which critically determines the vegetation patterns of the green area. Accordingly, the lists of plant communities are presented along with the planting scheme for their shape, layout, and relations. The model of the plant community is developed responding to the structure of surrounding natural landscape. However, it is not designed to evolve to a specific plant community, but is rather a conceptual model of ecological potentials. Therefore, the application of the model has great flexibility by using other plant communities as an alternative as long as the characteristics of the communities are appropriate to the physical conditions. Even though this research provides valuable implications for landscape planning and design in the similar circumstances, there are several limitations to be overcome in the further research. First, there needs to be more sufficient field surveys on the wildlife habitats, which would help generate a more concrete planting model. Second, a landscape management plan should be included considering the condition of existing forest, in particular the afforested landscapes. Last, there is a lack of quantitative data for the models of some plant communities.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.34-43
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• 2022

This study compared the characteristics of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam, which have developed in the relationship of mutual geopolitical and cultural influence in history, and the following conclusions were made. First, the definition of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam has similar meanings in both countries. In the case of cultural heritage classification, both countries introduced the legal concept of intangible cultural heritage through UNESCO, and have similarities in terms of intangible cultural heritage. Second, while China has separate laws for managing tangible and intangible cultural heritages, Vietnam integrally manages the two types of cultural heritages under a single law. Vietnam has a slower introduction of the concept of cultural heritage than China, but it shows high integration in terms of system. Third, cultural heritages in both China and Vietnam are graded, which is applied differently depending on the type of heritage. The designation method has a similarity in which the two countries have a vertical structure and pass through steps. By restoring the value of heritage and complementing integrity through such a step-by-step review, balanced development across the country is being sought through tourism to enjoy heritage and create economic effects. Fourth, it was confirmed that the cultural heritage management organization has a central government management agency in both countries, but in China, the authority of local governments is higher than that of Vietnam. In addition, unlike Vietnam, where tangible and intangible cultural heritage are managed by an integrated institution, China had a separate institution in charge of intangible cultural heritage. Fifth, China is establishing a conservation management policy focusing on sustainability that harmonizes the protection and utilization of heritage. Vietnam is making efforts to integrate the contents and spirit of the agreement into laws, programs, and projects related to cultural heritage, especially intangible heritage and economic and social as a whole. However, it is still dependent on the influence of international organizations. Sixth, China and Vietnam are now paying attention to intangible heritage recently introduced, breaking away from the cultural heritage protection policy centered on tangible heritage. In addition, they aim to unite the people through cultural heritage and achieve the nation's unified policy goals. The two countries need to use intangible heritage as an efficient means of preserving local communities or regions. A cultural heritage preservation network should be established for each subject that can integrate the components of intangible heritage into one unit to lay the foundation for the enjoyment of the people. This study has limitations as a research stage comparing the cultural heritage system and preservation management status in China and Vietnam, and the characteristic comparison of cultural heritage policies by type remains a future research task.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.135-151
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• 2022

This study was conducted on a servicism basis as a study to build the management wisdom of Korea as an asset of human society. The case of the founding and development of the Republic of Korea, which developed into one of the world's leading powers with unprecedented rapid growth despite the devastating three-year war immediately after its founding, is an important subject of study. This study conducted a macroscopic analysis. In the process of carrying out the founding activities, it was confirmed that the original idea inherent in Koreans was the Taegeuk idea of the National Flag. The founders of the Republic of Korea consciously or unconsciously adopted the Taegeuk ideology as the founding ideology. It can be said that the Taegeuk ideology has led to greater success because it is based on the service philosophy, which is the common truth of mankind. In this study, the process of preparing for the founding of the Republic of Korea, which was founded by accepting a new maritime civilization from a country with a long continental civilization, the process of national foundation, and the process of operating the country after its founding were analyzed as a whole. In particular, it discovered the excellent wisdom of the founders who appropriately utilized the strengths of continental and maritime civilizations in necessary situations, and confirmed that the dynamic operating model of development through fierce competition between the two opponents was a success factor for high-speed national development. It requires great wisdom for Koreans with diverse ideological backgrounds and unique personalities to unite to establish and run a nation. This is because fierce competition and cooperation must be carried out at the same time. The great wisdom of the founding of the Republic of Korea was able to be demonstrated because the Taegeuk ideology was acting as a common basic ideology for Koreans. Taegeuk ideology, the source of wisdom that Korea has developed under constant tension, can be capitalized as human wisdom, and additional case studies are needed.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.10
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• pp.450-493
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• 1997

Three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) is the change state of yum-yang(陰陽) which is caused by six gi(六氣). They mean the flow of six gi(六氣) which exist throughout the viscera, the channel(經絡), and the skin. But it is not easy to understand the meaning because the contents of the attribute of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory and large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) which is the main clue that explain it in ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$ don't coincide with each other. I, the writer, tried to understand the uncertain meaning and the contents which are written about three points above differently in each of the books that are ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$. So, from that the course that the book, ${\ll}$Huangjenegeong(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ is handed down is so relatively simple in a wood block-printed book, that the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ has less wong-words than the Somun(素問) and the Yeongchu(靈樞), and from that Yangshangsun(楊上善) wrote the note in the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ by royal order about 100 years former than Wangbing(王氷), as making projects of Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s note and the original of the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ which has relation to the yum-yang(陰陽) attribute of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory, and the large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) and researching the Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s theory. The result is summarized like this. First, wherease the order of the change of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) which is explained by Yangshangsun(楊上善) consider the change of yangi(陽氣) in body most important, the order of the change gaeggi(客氣)'s three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) considers chungi(天氣) most important, and the order of jugi(主氣)'s three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) considers jigi(地氣)'s change of ohaeng(五行) most important. If the order of change three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) in the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ is considered, each of taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰) are expressed as the base of yum-yang(陰陽) and yangmeong(陽明) and taeyum(太陰) are expressed as the palmy days of yum-yang(陰陽), soyang(少陽) and gyolyum(厥陰) are expressed as pacemaker(樞杻) which controls the change of yum-yang(陰陽). Thus, each has something in common that is fettered by the inside and outside. In the flow of channel(經絡), taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰) take charge of the behind of body, yangmeong(陽明) and taeyum(太陰) take charge of the front of body and soyang(少陽) and gyolyum(厥陰) take of the side of body. Second, in Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory, three-yum(三陰) is regarded as inside, three-yang(三陽) as outside, so when bolt, leaf and hanges fulfil their duties in inside and outside, the life(life force) is thought to be revealed normally. It is impossible to understand the bolt-leaf-hanges with the conception of the inside and outside which divide three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) into taeyang-soyum(太陽-少陰), yangmeong-taeyum(陽明-太陰), soyang-gyolyum(少陽-厥陰) according to yum-yang(陰陽) attribute, hence it need the special conception that is taeyang(太陽)-taeyum(太陰), yangmeong(陽明)-gyolyum(厥陰), soyang(少陽)-soyum(少陰) which center on their duties in inside and outside. In the denunciation of the word open(開) and bolt(關), because Yangshangsun(楊上善) said that the duities of taeyang(太陽) and taeyum(太陰) are shutter(閉禁), bolt(關) is coincided with that significance. Third, with explaining the large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), Yangshangsun(楊上善) expressed the inside and outside either in the same way or differently. Because the inside and outside is interior of body and exterior of body, it is the explanation that is noticed by the fact that the property of large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) is either able to be same or different. In this viewpoint, if we unite the contents about large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$, ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$, we will find that the descriptions of large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yang(三陽) in ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$ correspond with the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$, but in three-yum(三陰), the contrary presentations exit. The reason is that large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum(三陰) isn't only expressed as che(體) in the point of che-yong(體用), but as a point of yong(用) that is a phenomenon. As researching the original of ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ and Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s notes as a center about three problems that are yum-yang(陰陽) attribute, the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) and large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), I, the writer, tried to explain the part which is written differently or has uncertain conception in the book ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and the book ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$, but the concrete result of the work like this will be judged according to the question how many theories are correspondent with real presence at a sickbed. Hence, the work to veryfy the theories in the future will be left as assignment.