Analysis of the Stage and Performance Elements for Bongsudang-jinchan Banquet in Joseon Dynasty (봉수당진찬(奉壽堂進饌)의 무대와 공연 요소 분석)
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- (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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- no.18
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- pp.413-444
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- 2009
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This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.
Visual media transmits image and information reproduced in large quantities, such as a photography, film, television, video, advertisement, or computer image. Correspondence to the students' reception and recognition of culture in the future. arrangements for the field of studies of visual culture. 'Visual Culture' implies cultural phenomena of visual images via visual media, which includes not only the categories of traditional arts like a painting, sculpture, print, or design, but the performance arts including a fashion show or parade of carnival, and the mass and electronic media like a photography, film, television, video, advertisement, cartoon, animation, or computer image. In the world of visual media, Image' functions as an essential medium of communication. Therefore, people call the culture of today fra of Image Culture', which has been converted from an alphabet convergence era to an image convergence one. Image, via visual media, has become a dominant means for communication in large part of human life, so we can designate an Image' as a typical aspect of visual culture today. Image, as an essential medium of communication, plays an important role in contemporary society. The one way is the conversion of analogue image like an actual picture, photograph, or film into digital one through the digitalization of digital camera or scanner as 'an analogue/digital commutator'. The other is a way of process with a computer drawing, or modeling of objects. It is appropriate to the production of pictorial and surreal images. Digital images, produced by the other, can be divided into the form of Pixel' and form of Vector'. Vector is a line linking the point of departure to the point of end, which organizes informations. Computer stores each line's standard location and correlative locations to one another Digital image shows for more 'Perfectness' than any other visual media. Digital image has been evolving in the diverse aspects, such as a production of geometrical or organic image compositing, interactive art, multimedia art, or web art, which has been applied a computer as an extended trot of painting. Someone often interprets digitalized copy with endless reproduction of original even as an extension of a print. Visual af is no longer a simple activity of representation by a painter or sculptor, but now is intimately associated with a matter of application of media. There is some problem in images via visual media. First, the image via media doesn't reflect a reality as it is, but reflects an artificial manipulated world, that is, a virtual reality. Second, the introduction of digital effect and the development of image processing technology have enhanced a spectacle of destructive and violent scenes. Third, a child intends to recognize the interactive images of computer game and virtual reality as a reality, or truth. Education needs not only to point out an ill effect of mass media and prevent the younger generation from being damaged by it, but also to offer a knowledge and know-how to cope actively with social, cultural circumstances. Visual media education is one of these essential methods for the contemporary and future human being in the overflowing of image informations. The fosterage of 'Visual Literacy' can be considered as a very purpose of visual media education. This is a way to lead an individual to the discerning, active consumer and producer of visual media in life as far as possible. The elements of 'Visual Literacy' can be divided into a faculty of recognition related to the visual media, a faculty of critical reception, a faculty of appropriate application, a faculty of active work and a faculty of creative modeling, which are promoted at the same time by the education of 'visual literacy'. In conclusion, the education of 'Visual Literacy' guides students to comprehend and discriminate the visual image media carefully, or receive them critically, apply them properly, or produce them creatively and voluntarily. Moreover, it leads to an artistic activity by means of new media. This education can be approached and enhanced by the connection and integration with real life. Visual arts and education of them play an important role in the digital era depended on visual communications via image information. Visual me야a of day functions as an essential element both in daily life and in arts. Students can soundly understand visual phenomena of today by means of visual media, and apply it as an expression tool of life culture as well. A new recognition and valuation visual image and media education is required to cultivate the capability of active, upright dealing with the changes of history of civilization. 1) Visual media education helps to cultivate a sensibility for images, which reacts to and deals with the circumstances. 2) It helps students to comprehend the contemporary arts and culture via new media. 3) It supplies a chance of students' experiencing a visual modeling by means of new media. 4) There are educational opportunities of images with temporality and spaciality, and therefore a discerning person becomes to increase. 5) The modeling activity via new media leads students to be continuously interested in the school and production of plastic arts. 6) It raises the ability of visual communications dealing with image information society. 7) An education of digital image is significant in respect of cultivation of man of talent for the future society of image information as well. To correspond to the changing and developing social, cultural circumstances, and the form and recognition of students' reception of them, visual arts education must arrange the field of studying on a new visual culture. Besides, a program needs to be developed, which is in more systematic and active level in relation to visual media education. Educational contents should be extended to the media for visual images, that is, photography, film, television, video, computer graphic, animation, music video, computer game and multimedia. Every media must be separately approached, because they maintain the modes and peculiarities of their own according to the conveyance form of message. The concrete and systematic method of teaching and the quality of education must be researched and developed, centering around the development of a course of study. Teacher's foundational capability of teaching should be cultivated for the visual media education. In this case, it must be paid attention to the fact that a technological level of media is considered as a secondary. Because school education doesn't intend to train expert and skillful producers, but intends to lay stress on the essential aesthetic one with visual media under the social and cultural context, in respect of a consumer including a man of culture.
Based on a field investigation of intangible cultural asset # 2, author Sir Shin Seok-bong of Daejeon Metropolitan Cityinvestigated the music of Antaek-gut, which is the base and core of Anjoon-gut, and found the following musical features: A Jang-gu(drum) and Kkoaengkwari(gong) were used to recitethe Sutra(kyungmoon) of Anjoon-gut. The Jang-gu, located on the right side, played an accompaniment role with regular beats when the Sutra was recited. The Kkoaengkwari, located on the left side, played the role of covering the caesura of the Sutra passages, so it is played with various rhythmic variations in accordance with Kojang(鼓杖). This is one way of playing Korean national classical music that has temporary caesuras, depending on the rector's bre! ath or the contents of a Sutra during the Sutra chanting, with the Jang-gu covering the pause with its variation. In other words, when being played in concert, the instruments that play the main melody are at rest while another instrument takes its turn to play the main melody as a form of prolonged sound. The rhythmic cycles of the sutras of Antaek-gut recited with this instrumental accompaniment consist of five types; a) Woemarch-jangdan (a single beat) of 4 meter by 3 bit, b) Dumarch-jangdan (two beats) of 8 meter by 3 bit, c) Saemarch-jangdan (three beats) of 4 meter by 3 bit with a fast tempo, d) Mak-gojang, uniform beats with a standardized rhythm, and e) incomplete beats deviated from the regular beats. Sir Shin Seok-bong chanted Chang (唱), a traditional native song which he called 'Cheong (淸)' with a cycle of 'Dumarch-jangdan' throughout the places of Antaek-gut. Only 'Toesonggyung' a chant for the gate that was the last location of the Antaek, was chanted with a cycle of 'Woemarch-jan! gdan'. In addition, 'Saemarch-jangdan' and 'Mak-gojang' that had comparatively faster tempos than the former two jangdans, were played without a chant when a female shaman was dancing and catching her spirit-invoking wand. The 'Saemarch-jangdan', particularly, was played while dancing began at a relatively slow tempo, then proceeded at a violent tempo and then back again to the slow tempo. This shows one of the representative tempos of our music with a slow-fast-slow tempo. The organizational tones were 'mi-la-do'-re'', and its key tones of 'mi-la-do'' were performed with perfect fourth and minor third, which was the same as those of Menari-tori. However, it did not show a typical Sigimse, an ornamental tone, of Menari-tory, whose first tone, 'mi', is vibrated and its Sigimse is gliding down from the tone 're' to 'do'. That is because the regional tone-tori of Chungcheong-do have a relatively weaker musical expression than that of Gyeongsang-do. In addition, the rhythmic types in accordance with the words of a song for the Antaek-gut music had a comparatively faster tempo than the other sutras. Also, it was only with 'Toesonggyeong' that the tone 'la' continuously appeared throughout the melody and showed 'a syllabic rhythm', while other places consisted of either a 'syncopation' or 'melismatic' rhythm. Finally, according to a brief investigation of the tone organization in accordance with each sutra, the tone 'la' was given more weight. The tone procedure showed a mainly ascending 'la-do'' and the descending 'la-mi' with minor third and perfect fourth. Also, the overall tempo proceeded with M.M.♩.=116-184, while the tempo for the Gut proceeded with M.M.♩.=120-140, which was suitable for reciting a Sutra.
Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.