• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• 제16권1호
• /
• pp.67-96
• /
• 2012

Previous literature has looked merely into the effect of trade facilitation on aggregate trade, or analyzed trade growth using the extensive and intensive margins. This paper blends these two lines of research for a detailed analysis of the impact of trade facilitation on trade by using highly disaggregated trade data and a more composite index for measuring trade facilitation, also taking into account the export sectors and income levels of countries. As a result, this paper finds that developing countries with higher trade facilitation levels export a wider range of products, especially primary goods. While trade facilitation levels do not have a statistically significant association with trade at the intensive margin in general, further analysis shows that the impact of advanced trade facilitation is the largest for lower middle-income countries in primary goods trade at the intensive margin, and the largest for upper middle-income countries in manufactured goods trade at the intensive margin. More importantly, our policy simulation results suggest that trade facilitation-related policy reforms enable developing countries to benefit from increased trade in manufactured goods at the extensive margin.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• 제26권1호
• /
• pp.27-48
• /
• 2022

In the past decade, Korea and Japan have increasingly exhibited different strategic priorities in trade in face of China's rising global economic prowess and worsening US-China trade conflict. Japan's trade policy decisions have worked to reinforce its economic and security ties with the US as a means to counter China. Japan has used both bilateral and multilateral means to secure its ties with the US against China. In contrast, Korea's trade policy positions have been one of 'strategic ambiguity'. Korea has been more conciliatory towards China, reluctant to take actions that would counter China's interest. Korea has mainly resorted to bilateral channels to maintain favorable relations with both China and the US. Korea's reluctance to clearly ally with the US against China has been observed across different administrations with opposing political orientations. This paper examines Korea and Japan's diverging strategic priorities in trade through the 2017 World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference; the 2017 US imposition of Section 232 on steel; the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Korea-US FTA renegotiation and the Korea-China FTA Phase Two Negotiation; and the 2019 Japan-US Trade Agreement.

• Journal of Korea Trade
• /
• 제24권6호
• /
• pp.82-100
• /
• 2020

Purpose - This paper attempts to compare five free trade agreements with gender chapters ratified by Chile and Canada and derives lessons for Korea in terms of gender-aware trade policy. While Chile and Canada have three and two FTAs with gender chapter respectively, Korea has none so far, although it has already ratified an FTA with the two countries. Design/methodology - This study first investigates all the gender-provisions with the gender chapters, conducts a comparative analysis on the five chapters as well as a case study of one target FTA's implementation and achievements, and finally suggests policy implications for Korea's trade administration as well as trade-related agencies. Findings - According to the analysis, there are three phases in terms of advancement in gender-related trade policy. As Chile is in phase two and Canada is in phase three, Korea remains in phase one. It has a ministry related to gender within the government, but not within the OMT. It has statistics on female business, but not of women traders. It has a few gender-related provisions in its FTAs, but not a gender chapter. In this sense, new mandates related to gender-aware trade policy for OMT, KITA, and KOTRA should be provided to realize the concrete economic benefits resulting from empowering women traders and policies promoting them. Originality/value - Existing studies only focus on introducing gender-related international commitments and Korea's participation in them. This paper is the first attempt to compare actual gender chapters of five FTAs ratified by two countries with the most advanced gender chapters in the world. To gain benefits from the positive gender impact of trade agreements, negotiating and signing gender responsive FTA with future partners is one of the most efficient, as well as inclusive, trade policies urgently needed for Korea.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• 제20권1호
• /
• pp.3-35
• /
• 2016

This paper analyses the new discipline on state-owned enterprises contained in the recently concluded Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement, and evaluates various factors that influenced the shaping of its specific rules. The new discipline consolidates and strengthens related provisions in current trade regimes, reflects various aspects of trade disputes between China and the US, and adopts, as its general underlying rationale, the principle of competitive neutrality. The new discipline contains elements that may challenge the multilateral trade regime, and may serve as a role model in regulating state-owned enterprises, including subsidies in services trade in other on-going trade negotiations. The new regime makes us think hard about fundamental issues regarding enforcement of competition policy against state-owned enterprises, treatment of non-market economies, and how to deal with effects of subsidies in international trade, bringing competition issues back on the trade agenda.

• Journal of Korea Trade
• /
• 제23권7호
• /
• pp.83-95
• /
• 2019

Purpose - This study analyzed the effect of the Trump Government's protectionist trade policies on foreign ownership. Specifically, this study empirically analyzes the hypothesis that foreign ownership will decrease after the Trump Government rather than before the Trump Government. Design/methodology - The hypothesis of this study is based on the expectation that US protection trade policy will negatively affect the profitability of Korean companies. The dependent variable in this study is the foreign ownership ratio, and the independent variable is a dummy variable representing before and after the Trump Government. Multiple regression analysis was performed, including the control variables suggested in previous studies related to foreign ownership. Findings - As a result, foreign ownership increased after the Trump Government rather than before the Trump Government. This study further analyzes whether the main variables affecting foreign investor's decision-making are differences before and after Trump Government. The export ratio, profitability and dividends did not differ before and after Trump Government. However, the level of information asymmetry decreased after the Trump Government than before the Trump Government. This suggests that US protection trade policies do not adversely affect the profitability of Korean companies. However, Korean firms are improving their information environment because US protectionist trade policies can lower profitability and negatively impact capital raising. In this regard, the foreign ownership ratio seems to differ before and after the Trump Government. Originality/value - This study contributes in that it presents data that US protectionist policies can affect Korean corporate governance. This study has implications from the short-term analysis of US protection trade policy.

• 무역학회지
• /
• 제46권2호
• /
• pp.107-119
• /
• 2021

Using a trade policy, government can shift profits from foreign firms to domestic firms. This paper will reexamine how asymmetric information can affect the equivalence of tariff and quota in a duopoly, where one domestic firm competes with one foreign firm. It can happen that the domestic firm has informational advantage against the government. Within this framework, the domestic firm has private information about own marginal cost as well as the foreign firm's. The domestic firm would exploit the advantage to draw a favorable policy from the government. When the government is misled, social welfare would decline. This paper will guide how the government can extract information from the domestic firm by offering a menu of tariff or quota. Previous studies showed that quota demands information more than tariff. With the principle of revealed information, the domestic firm chooses tariff (quota) if the marginal cost of foreign firm is low (high). The quota level will be high (low) if the marginal cost of domestic firm is high (low). To prevent misrepresentation, the domestic firm should be charged when quota is implemented. When the quota level is low, the domestic firm is charged additionally. This paper can contribute to the literature of trade policy and information.

• 국제지역연구
• /
• 제16권3호
• /
• pp.269-291
• /
• 2012

EU의 공동체법 및 통상정책을 분석해 보면 궁극적 목표는 회원국의 공동이익을 보호하는 데 있다는 것을 알 수 있다. 물론 반덤핑조치는 상계관세 및 세이프가드와 더불어 자국산업을 방어하는 3대 정책수단이며 WTO도 이를 허용하고 있다. 그런데 EU는 다른 정책수단보다 반덤핑정책에 의존하고 있는데, 그 이유는 어떤 다른 방어정책보다 반덤핑수단이 산업방어 측면에서 효과가 즉각 발휘되고 EU 입장을 최대한 대변할 수 있다는 데 있다. EU 반덤핑정책의 경우 보호주의 색채가 짙으며 특히 정치적 영향을 받고 있다. 조사개시가 쉽게 이루어지며 소위 '공동체이익' 조항을 둠으로써 정치적 개입의 여지를 두고 있다. 또한 집단대응을 명시함으로써 '집단적보호주의'(collective protectionism)의 길을 열어두고 있다. 본 연구의 또 하나 중요한 결론은 EU 반덤핑정책이 역내 비교열위산업을 보호하는 주요 수단이 되고 있다는 것이다. 즉 EU 반덤핑 조치로 수입의 역내 전환효과가 크게 나타나는데, 그 효과로 인해 역내생산이 종전에 비해 증가된다는 것이다. 이런 이유로 반덤핑정책은 EU가 포기할 수 없는 통상정책수단이 되고 있다.

• 무역학회지
• /
• 제44권3호
• /
• pp.43-72
• /
• 2019

This study examines the trends, current situation and implications of non-tariff measures (NTM) and specific trade concerns (STC) on the protection trade measures of ASEAN. ASEAN's non-tariff measures and the share of specific trade concerns are very significant as they are the second and third largest, respectively, of the major countries. This means that protection measures using non-tariff measures are a strong feature of ASEAN's trade policy. Also, in the future, ASEAN should try to prevent unnecessary disputes caused by exporting countries' specific trade concerns in the implementation of non-tariff measures. Activating trade policy cooperation is likely to reduce conflicts and costs caused by these trade disputes.

• 통상정보연구
• /
• 제9권1호
• /
• pp.169-186
• /
• 2007

The purpose of this study analyzes laying stress on Japan example that background of electronic issue of international meritime insurance policy is what, and is marched in some degree present. and this study presented what hereafter subject of electronic insurance plice is. The this paper is to study the current situations of trade financial EDI in Japan and problems in application of marine insurance contracts. The subject of electronic marine policy issue is as following in trade financing EDI. (1) application of electronic document in claim demand. (2) standardization of various documents and insurance plice data. (3) insurance compensation document that become Jeonjahwa in insurance accident settlement. (4) maritime Insurance policy agreement's establishment. (5) when is monopolized to third party, realization of electronic maritime insurance policy offer.

• 통상정보연구
• /
• 제11권2호
• /
• pp.259-279
• /
• 2009

Recently, FTA is quickly spreading out all over the world. In Korea, roles of trade in the economy are significantly important. Therefore, in order to adapt quickly to changed international trade environment, FTA negotiation and its agreements have been accelerated. In Korea, the trade deficit is expected to continue in telecommunications services sector. Meanwhile, pressures to open the market have been intensified in telecommunications services at WTO and FTA negotiations. Therefore, in the middle of opening the market, the expansion plans to increase the competitiveness of our telecommunications services are required to be searched. Thus, in this paper, we reviewed the Korea trade policy status related to telecommunications services based on realistic situation. Also, after reviewing the trade issues which are raised in the WTO and FTA negotiations, the major issues in WTO and FTA were driven to the lessons.