• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.53-61
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• 2022

Recent years have drawn a great attention to generation MZ and Metaverse, due to 4th industrial revolution and the development of digital environment that blurs the boundary between reality and virtual reality. Generation MZ approaches the information very differently from the existing generations and uses distinguished communication methods. In terms of learning, they have different motivations, types, skills and build relationships differently. Meanwhile, Metaverse is drawing a great attention as a teaching method that fits traits of gen MZ. Thus, the current research aimed to investigate how to increase the use of Metaverse in Educational Technology. Specifically, this research examined the antecedents of popularity of Gather Town, a platform of Metaverse. Big data of news articles have been collected and analyzed using the Bigkinds system provided by Korea Press Foundation. The analysis revealed, first, a rapid increasing trend of media exposure of Gather Town since July 2021. This suggests a greater utilization of Gather Town in the field of education after the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, Word Association Analysis and Word Cloud Analysis showed high weights on education related words such as 'remote', 'university', and 'freshman', while words like 'Metaverse', 'Metaverse platform', 'Covid19', and 'Avatar' were also emphasized. Third, Network Analysis extracted 'COVID19', 'Avatar', 'University student', 'career', 'YouTube' as keywords. The findings also suggest potential value of Gather Town as an educational tool under COVID19 pandemic. Therefore, this research will contribute to the application and utilization of Gather Town in the field of education.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.43-71
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• 2005

The study attempts to introduce 'Gotcha Journalism' to the Korea journalism, research and analyze it. Gotcha journalism is the journalistic reporting attitude that the journalists repeatedly and intensively reports public figures, especially politicians' mistakes or happening. 'Gotcha' is abbreviation of "I got you", frequently used in the English and American culture. In order to get the goal of this study, several journalists who are currently working for Chosun, Joongang, Dong-a, Hangyore, Kyunghyang and Seoul, national covering daily newspapers. In addition, the reporters who work for KBS, MBC, and SBS were Interviewed. All journalists who have been worked more than 5 years at the politic department were selected as interviewees. Thus, Intensive interviews are prime source of this study. Based the result of the research, gotcha journalism is externally derived from obsessive interest of Korean people to politics. Internally, it is easy to report happening or mistakes rather than big argument or ideological agenda of the politicians as news for journalists and to catch readers. In addition, the competition with advertising income accelerates this situation. And gotcha journalistic reporting behavior or attitude highly relates to political propensity of the newspapers or broadcastings. Especially some of the newspapers take gotcha journalism as a political struggling tool. It is appeared that another major cause for gotcha journalistic reporting behavior is customer-driven news production.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.30-34
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• 2006

Purpose: This study is to report the operating result of the Hospice Cyber Counselling Program for improving quality of lift for terminal patients and their families. Methods: This study was performed followed by counsellor training, building strategy of public relations, management, and evaluation of the effect in order. Results: 72 subjects visited our cyber homepage and became members for approximately 9 months from Oct. 2004 to July 2005; 17 subjects in their 20s (23.6%), 12 subjects in their 30s (16.7%), 17 subjects in their 40s (23.6%), and 13 subjects above 50s (18%). Classified by diagnose related group, cancer related disease consist of 90%. As for the relationship between contents of counselling and counselling applicants, families consist of 90% and self-applicants only 10%. Only 30 members used on-line counselling and their counselling frequency was just 35 times. Although counselling frequency and the number of members who used the counselling site were not high, they tend to contact with a counsellor continuously and use the site actively after the first counselling. Conclusion: Cyber counselling program for hospice was practically managed to improve quality of life for terminal patients and their families as a basic activity for hospice business activation. Basic public relations with regard to hospice business by mass media and the press should be performed continuously and the hospice training program is required for medical personnel to be continue.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.157-196
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• 2018

This study analyzes non-standard workers' attitudes and behaviors towards standard workers' strikes using the case of a joint strike held by journalists at KBS and MBC in 2012. Tracing the process since 2008 by which a conservative government has tried to control the press and regular journalists have collectively resisted against it, we put our analytical focus on two major groups of freelance broadcast professionals: independent producers and writers in current affairs. Specifically, we examine 1) how they perceived and responded to a series of regular journalists' struggle to protect journalistic value, 2) how such perception of and response to regular journalists could be developed, and 3) how (de)solidarity could form and then deepened between freelance and regular journalists in the 2012 Media Strike. Our findings show that the ways in which regular journalists had controlled freelance journalists at work affected the relationship between class-based and occupation-based rationality freelance journalists held in their minds. Independent producers, who had developed a strong class-based rationality in response to the coercive input-output control, showed cynicism about regular journalists' strike pointing out their hypocrisy and contradiction. In contrast, freelance writers accommodated and joined the strike by regular workers in the spirit of solidarity based on occupational rationality which had developed from normative, process control. Our paper ends with theoretical and practical implications.

• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.15-20
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• 2014

This study was to evaluate clinical feasibility of biodegradable polymeric membrane for interventional procedure in preliminary study. Bio-degradable polymetric membrane was produced into a solution by mixing hyaluronic acid powder with NaOH solution in a heating mantle. Three different concentrations of contrast media (10, 20, and 30 vol%) were added to the produced soluble powder, and vertical agitation was performed for 12 hours at a speed of 100 to 200 rpm at a room temperature. It was freeze dried for 24 hours at a temperature $80^{\circ}C$. Pressure on the freeze dried sample was exerted by a hydraulic press in order to form the freeze dried sample into a membrane. The membrane produced with varying contrast medium concentration was visually examined by a scanning electron microscope and radiographically inspected. Under the visual examination, the higher the concentration of contrast medium, the rougher the surface. Radiographic transparency was similar under all conditions of fluoroscopic radiography, simple radiography, and serial radiography. In conclusion, this preliminary study verified that bio-degradable membrane produced with hyaluronic acid was a material with clinical usability.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.67-102
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the human rights found in the North Korean Constitution and their core problem by focusing on elements of human rights suggested by Daesoon Jinrihoe's doctrine of Haewon-sangsaeng (解冤相生 the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence). Haewon-sangsaeng is seemingly the only natural law that could resolve human resentment lingering from the Mutual Contention of the Former World while leading humans work for the betterment of one another. Haewon-sangsaeng, as a natural law, includes the right to life, the right to autonomous decision-making, and duty to act according to human dignity (physical freedom, the freedom of conscience, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of press, etc.), the right to equal treatment in one's social environment, and the right to ensure the highest level of health through treatment. The North Korean Constitution does not have a character as an institutional device to guarantee natural human rights, the fundamental principle of the Constitution, and stipulates the right of revolutionary warriors to defend dictators and dictatorships. The right to life is specified so that an individual's life belongs to the life of the group according to their socio-political theory of life. Rights to freedom are stipulated to prioritize group interests over individual interests in accordance with the principle of collectivism. The right to equality and the right to health justify discrimination through class discrimination. The right to life provided to North Koreans is not guaranteed due to the death penalty system found within the North Korean Criminal Code and the Criminal Code Supplementary Provisions. The North Korean regime deprives North Koreans of their right to die with dignity through public executions. The North Korean regime places due process under the direction of the Korea Worker's Party, recognizes religion as superstition or opium, and the Korea Worker's Party acknowledge the freedoms of bodily autonomy, religion, media, or press. North Koreans are classified according to their status, and their rights to equality are not guaranteed because they are forced to live a pre-modern lifestyle according to the patriarchal order. In addition, health rights are not guaranteed due biased availability selection and accessibility in the medical field as well as the frequent shortages of free treatments.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.1407-1415
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• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.161-180
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• 1997

There are about 400, 000 Korean ethnics living in Central Asia. Most of Koreans in Central Asia are leading a stable middle class life mostly engaged in farm work. With increase of educational attainment of their children, a number of Koreans are launching into political and academic circles as well as in the cultural world or the press. In recent years, however, the countries in this area(Uzbekistan and Kazakstan) for this study advocate an ethnic united policy to stabilize the politics and society and to carry out efficient transformation from the former socialistic economy to a market oriented economy. In addition, they are trying to recover the culture and the language of each nation which has been forgotten in the assimilation of Russia policy. Koreans have difficulty in adaption to this kind of change. In fact, a number of Koreans lost traditional culture and could not speak their mother language - Korean. Although they more or less maintain national consciousness, they recognize Uzbekistan or Kazakstan as their nation politically. They associated with North Korea unilaterally before the launching of the Perestroika policy. But after the Seoul Olympics held in 1998, there was movement to know and understand South Korea. There has been increased in the investment by Korean companies in Central Asia. Now, what is an alternative idea for Korean community consciousness\ulcorner It can be summarized as follows: 1) The increase of aid to Korean education institute : Considering the last few decades of Russia's strong racial assimilation policy, which leads most Koreans to lost their language and national culture, the priority should go to Koreans education. 2) Local Korean press support : Though Korean newspaper are published and Korean broadcasting is on the air currently in Uzbekistan and Kazakstan, they are suffering from qualified staff and poor financial status. Therefore, positive support should be established for these Korean mass communication media outlets to recover their own function and expand their dissemination powers quickly. 3) Research on the actual condition for Korean Community : It is essential to directly examine the local Korean community's regional distribution, population structure, Korean group's formation and operation, social and cultural understanding, racial consciousness, hope for their mother land and much more. 4) Increase of mother land and education opportunity : To stir up national culture and national consciousness within the Korean community, it is necessary to expand continuous opportunities for mother land visits and education training for local Koreans, especially for second and third generations.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.389-395
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• 2020

Female empowerment advertising campaigns are easily observed in the United States and European countries whereas it is rarely found in Korea. Thus, this study is designed to analyze female empowerment advertising campaigns so-called femvertising through a case analysis method. The case analysis is often employed in the field of advertising and other social sciences, especially is helpful in finding current trends. Study results found that themes of global femvertising campaigns could be categorized into 'redefining women's beauty', 'gender equality', 'education', and 'leadership'. The objective of these femvertising campaigns is to change perspectives of the society on women and change men's perspective. In terms of product category by global femvertising campaign companies, it varies from consumer goods, IT & electronics, automotive, finance, toy, non-profit organization to press. In general, femvertising targets women, but some femvertising campaigns also target men. This study also provides implications in regards with media usage strategy and advertising planning strategy.