• 제목/요약/키워드: the period of Koryo

검색결과 125건 처리시간 0.026초

고대 청동기의 성분조성 및 산지추정 연구 (Study on quantitative & trace element analysis of metal objects)

  • 정광용;강형태;정동찬;윤용현;이훈
    • 한국문화재보존과학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국문화재보존과학회 2004년도 제20회 발표논문집
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    • pp.137-153
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    • 2004
  • We have analyzed the ingredients of 17 pieces of Bronze Age bronze ware, and an additional 22 pieces of Koryo and Chosun dynasty bronze ware. We have also conducted analysis of the extraction sites where these bronze ware items were found. For analyzing the main ingredient the bronze ware items have been divided into 3 groups - Cu-Sn(70?75:20), Cu-Pb-Sn(70:10:10), Cu-Pb-Sn(60:10:20) type respectively. In tile cases of the Cu-Pb-Sn groups the division comes down to differences in the Cu content as the main component, and elements such as Ni, Fe, Co contribute as a micro ingredient. The geographical and periodic characteristics of ancient bronze ware items show that theircompositional element changes from Cu:Sn to Cu:Pb:Sn and the Cu content decreases with the period,while the Pb content increases with the period. Bronze ware items from Suchon Ri, Gongju (that were used in 3 B.C.) form very different categories from 3rd ${\~}$ 2nd B.C.. They additionally formed very different categories from those bronze ware items analyzed in this research. These bronze ware itemsare shown to be geographically close and periodically overlapped, but made of a new elemental composition. This shows an inflow of a production technical culture present in the new bronze wares. The main component content of Cu is lower, and the Co and Fe contents (as microelements) are much higher than that of other bronze ware items. Such facts showthat those bronze ware items used completely different materials from bronze ware items in other cultural areas, or that there were differences in smelting techniques In the places where ancient bronze ware items have been extracted, it is presumed that the materials originated from the southern parts of Korea andnorthern parts and southern parts of China. .As more bronze ware scientific research is compiled one can conclude that that there will be enough scientific evidence to study the Bronze Age culture of Koreasystematically.

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천 년 전의 별똥비 (Meteors and showers, a millennium ago)

  • 안상현;배현진;조혜전;정성욱
    • 천문학회보
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    • 제27권1호
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    • pp.36-36
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    • 2002
  • 별똥에는 가랑 별똥(sporadic meteors)과 별똥비 (meteor shower)에 속하는 별똥이 있다. 우리는 고려사 천문지에 적혀 있는 별똥 기록을 조사하여 10세기에서 15세기까지 지구 공전 궤도 상의 별똥 알갱이의 분포에 대해서 연구하였다. 우리는 일년중 특정한 날짜에 별똥이 많이 떨어지는 시기가 몇 개 있음을 발견하였다. 우리는 이러한 별똥들이 별똥비에 해당할 것으로 가정하고 한국, 일본, 중국의 천문 기록 가운데 별똥 소나기 기록을 끄집어 내어 고려사의 별똥 기록에서 구한 별똥비 기록과 비교하였다. 그 결과 7월 27일 경에 강한 별똥비가 있었고, 몇 년 주기로 별똥 소나기가 떨어졌음을 알아 냈다. 우리는 고려 시대의 별똥 기록을 두개로 나누어 별똥비의 세기가 어떤 진화를 하는지는 연구하였다. 7월 27일에 나타난 별똥비는 그 세기가 줄어든 것을 알 수 있었다.

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정암사 수마노탑의 유래와 양식적 특성 (A Study on the History and Characteristics of Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa)

  • 천득염;정지윤;한승훈
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제29권5호
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    • pp.63-78
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    • 2020
  • Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa(Korean National Treasure No. 332) is a brick like stone stupa and it is considered that this stupa was built in the Later Silla period or in the early part of the Koryo period, considering its structure and style. This Buddhist stupa is highly significant in Korean Buddhism since it was built to enshrine Buddhist sarira reliquaries that 'Jajang' brought from China in the 7th century, according to the 『Overlooked Historical Records of the Three Korean Kingdoms, 『三國遺事』』. However, the stupa was positioned at the very unique location. It was positioned not at the center of Jeongamsa Temple, but at the separate edifice. The location of Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa indicates that this stupa embodies the nature of Mahaparinirvana treasure palaces and that this stupa was recognized as a solemn symbol, which reflected a sarira faith. Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa is the only brick stone stupa built in Gangwon province. It is worth noticing that this stupa was mostly made of dolostones, found around this region, and thereby regional characteristics were reflected in this stupa. The other interesting fact about Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa is that there are many records available which include information about stupa's reconstruction, considering that there aren't many records of other stupas. The most representative records are 5 pieces of memorial stones which include information about when and on what ground the stupa was reconstructed as well as information about originators of the stupa. In conclusion, Jeongamsa Sumano Stupar could be regarded as the academically valuable material since it is considered very important and helpful for understanding not only the history of Korean Buddhist stupas, but also so many other things such as construction techniques, styles of brick pagoda and brick stone stupa, and such.

本貫의 累層적 意味와 그 起原에 대한 歷史地理的 探索 (Multi-layers of Geographical Meanings in the Korean Bonkwan)

  • 전종한
    • 대한지리학회지
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    • 제36권1호
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    • pp.35-51
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    • 2001
  • 사회역사지리학은 지리적 현상을 사회집단과 관련하여 인식하고 해석한다. 이 글은 한국 성씨집단을 지리적 사회집단으로 인식하고 그들의 본관 문제를 사회역사지리학의 시각에서 살핀 것이다. 필자는 현재의 본관 개념이 단일한 의미가 아닌 다양한 의미층을 갖는다고 인식하였다. 고려전기부터 본격적으로 등장한 우리 나라의 본관 개념에는 그 후 조선시기까지는 몇 개의 의미층이 누적되어 왔음을 알 수 있었고, 그 기원을 사회역사지리적 관점에서 해석하였다. 결과적으로 본관의 의미는 시대마다. 성씨집단에 따라 다양했음을 알 수 있었다. 이를 요약하면 실제로서의 본과, 기원으로서의 본관 권력에의 의지로서의 본관이다. 첫 번째 의미층은 <본관=거주 장소>의 의미로서 시기적으로 고려시기에 두 번째 의미층은 <본관= 기원 장소>의미로서 본관과 거주지가 분리된 상황 즉 여말선초에, 그리고 세 번째 의미층은 <본관= 상징 장소>라는 소위 권력에의 의지를 보여주는 허구적이고 상징적인 의미로서 조선 전기를 과도기로 하여 조선중기의 전란기이후에 형성된 것으로 보았다. 오늘날 우리나라 각 성씨집단들이 사용하고 있는 본관의 의미는 이상의 세 가지 의미중 한가지 이상으로 규정할 수있다. 그러나 구체적인 성씨집단별 본관의 의미 문제는 종족집단의 거주지 기원과 공간적 이주과정이라는 보다 넒은 주제의 틀에서 조명될 필요가 있다. 이것은 본관이 단순한 물리적 공간을 넘어선 컨텍스트상의 사회적 구성체이기 때문이다.

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수술환자의 진통제 사용 및 회복에 관한 연구 (Study on Use of Analgesics and Recovery Operation)

  • 장윤희;이은옥
    • 대한간호학회지
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.49-61
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    • 1971
  • The purpose of this study is to observe the administering of analgesics and sedatives to cases of surgery, the influence of the patients'situational variables on the use of these drugs, and the required number of recovery days in relation to the patients'situational variables and general conditions. Fifty patients in the age range of 15 through 65 who had undergone general surgery at Seoul national University Hospital. Woo Sok University Hospital and Koryo Hospital between May and August of 1971 were chosen for this study. They were observed with regard to the frequency of postoperative uses of analgesics and sedatives age, the required period of recovery in comparison with the situational variables of patients such as sex, age, marital status, the type and duration of anesthesia, experience of previous operation, history of other diseases, preoperative period of hospitalizations and the general conditions of patients such as sleep, stomach condition, bowel condition, urination, interest in surroundings, strength and energy, self-assistance and appetite. The study results were reviewed in a statistical method to obtain the following findings: 1. There was a significant decrease in the frequency of analgesic uses according to the number of days passed after operation. 2. The mean postoperative recovery days were 5.31 days and mote than half of the patients have never used analgesics until recovery. 3. There was a significant decrease in the frequency of sedative uses according to the number of days passed after operation. 4. The rank-order correlation between the frequency of analgesic use and that of sedative use following surgery observes in relation to the number of postoperative days was a low and negative one. 5. All of the patients except one hate used sedatives only once a day for the whole recovery period. 6. The longer they stayed in the hospital before surgery, the less have they used analgesics after surgery. 7. There were significant differences in use of analgesics after surgery by age groups; the 25-44 age group used more analgesics than the 15-24 and 45-65 age groups. 8. There were no significant differences in use of analgesics after surgery by all situational variables except the number of days of hospitalization and age. 9. The longer they stayed in the hospital before surgery, the earlier have they recovered from the surgery. 10. There were no significant differences in the number of required recovery days by all situational variables except the length of preoperative hospitalization. 11. There were no significant differences in the number of required postoperative recordedly days by the general conditions of patients.

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한국 불교 진언과 대순진리회 주문의 비교 연구 (The Comparative Study of the Mantra of Korean Buddhism and the Jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe)

  • 박인규
    • 대순사상논총
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    • 제22권
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    • pp.387-432
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    • 2014
  • In this paper, I want to compare the mantra of Korean Buddhism with the jumun(呪文) of Daesoonjinrihoe in rites and cultivation. Regarding the mantra of Buddhism there are some researches, but there are few studies with regard to the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe. The mantra of Buddhism and jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe look similar in pronouncing Hangul characters, but the religious and historical context around these seems to be different. The mantra of Korean Buddhism is associated with the introduction and diffusion process of esoteric Buddhism. In the early period of Buddhism some mantras were allowed by Buddha and the mantras were certified as a educational teaching in the period of Early Buddhist schools. In Mahayana school, the dharani that was abstracted from the vast Mahayana scriptures was developed. As Mahayana Buddhism develops, esoteric Buddhism was born in India. Esoteric Buddhism was introduced into China and was imported into Korea in Silla dynasty. In Koryo dynasty various rituals of esoteric Buddhism flourished and Jineunjong(眞言宗) and Chongjijong(總持宗) school were formed. In Chosun dynasty Buddhism was suppressed by government and the esoteric school was discontinued. But in rituals and cultivation the mantra and dharani were flourished in the latter part of Chosun dynasty. In modern period several esoteric schools were formed and developed. In present context the mantra was recited by many people in Korea. Main mantras are 'Om mani padme hum', 'Dharani of Avalokitesvara(神妙章句大陀羅尼)', 'neungumju(楞嚴呪)', 'Gwangmyung mantra(光明眞言) etc. The jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe was started by Kang Jeungsan(姜甑山) who was believed to be a God by Daesoonjinrihoe believers. Jeungsan used several existed mantras in creating new heaven and earth and made new jumuns by himself and taught them to his followers. Cho Jungsan(趙鼎山) who succeeded to the doctrines has received the jumuns by Jeungsan. He selected the jumuns to recite and determined the method how to spell these. Park Hankyung(朴漢慶) who opened Daesoonjinrihoe succeeded the rituals and doctrines. Every day ritual of Daesoonjinrihoe is chanting the jumun and the cultivation and gongbu(工夫) is practiced through jumun. Important jumuns of Daesoonjinrihoe are Taeulju(太乙呪) and Kidoju(祈禱呪). In the aspects of ritual, the mantra of Buddhism and the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe perform a similar function. The mantra of Buddhism has the context of the doctrines of Buddhism and the method of Buddhistic practicing but the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe is related to Jeungsan's teaching and the doctrines of Daesoonjinrihoe. But it is same that the mantra and jumun are used in communicating or uniting with ultimate reality. So the mantra and jumun are important vehicles for homo religius to meet the sacred and unite with the sacred and is regarded as the sacred word by the faithful which has a lot of symbols and meanings.

한국과 중국 곤면제도와 실태 (A Study of Krean and Chinese Kon-myun (Ceremonial royal Robes) as seen in the Relationshio between Regulations and practice in both Traditions.)

  • 김명숙
    • 복식
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    • 제31권
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    • pp.61-73
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    • 1997
  • Kon-myuh was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals such as worshipping heaven and ancestors marriage or funerals. kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun and kon-bok (the main bodypiece) as well as other articles of clothing(skirt footgear etc), There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the kon-myun number of ryu and symbol to be used all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the korean and Chinese in following the regula-tions as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korea from China during the Three Kingdoms period. It was also worn in the Koryo and Chosun Dynas-ties and the Taehan Empire. In studying Konmyun in Korea the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseory and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty Kukjo-sangrye-bopyun to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight difference were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consist-ency: the king's Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok while that of the prince consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok. For the Taechan Empire the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun which shows the emperor's kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok. To study how the regulations were put into practice relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-Jong remnants from King Ko-jong's Kon-bok and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han to the Ching Dynastices. The researcher investigated Kon-myun es-pecially in the Ming Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to low Ding-ling the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor's Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myuh 18chang-bok and there were other differences I color symbols and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be concluded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adher-ence to the regulations established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little devi-ation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.

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대 양식의 역사적 발달과정 및 특징에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Characteristics and Historical Development Pattern of "DAE(A Kind of Eminence)" in Korea)

  • 김영숙;안계복
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제23권2호
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    • pp.124-136
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    • 1995
  • This study was conducted to find the distinguished pattern of Korean 'Dae'. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to define how the pattern of 'Dae' has been developed and what is the characteristics of the pattern of Korean 'Dae'. The summarized results are as follows; 1. The types of 'Dae'(rock in the nature, a 'Dae' built artificially, a structure) were identified in the era of the three kingdoms. And in the era of the three kingdoms, 'Dae' was regarded as: a mysterious place related with a king, the place where concrete activities of a specific person had occurred in there, and a mountain peak 2. in the era of Koryo , artificial aspect of 'Dae' were emphasized. In addition, the activities occurred in the 'Dae' took concrete shape by kings. 3. The characteristics of the pattern of 'Dae' during Chosen Dynasty are: 1) A type of huge flat rock(27.6%), a type of mounts고 peak and a type of cuff(24.1%), a type of fantastic rock(15.5%), a type of stratified rock(6.9%) were shown 2) The main activities on 'Dae' were play , observation, and rest 3) In the viewpoint of the locational characteristics, 'Dae' were found in the mountains, at the top of the mountain peaks, on high hill, on cliffs, at the riversides, and on the beaches, etc. 4. With consideration on change trend of the number of'Dae' according to literature(time) , the biggest geographical distributions of 'Dae' were shows in Hamkyungdo in noddle of 15th century (Saejongsillockjiriji), in Kangwondo in the middle of 16th century (Sinjeongdonggukyecjiseongram), in Chunrado in middle of 17th century(Donggukyeojiji), and in Kyungsangdo in middle of 18th 19th century(Yeojidoseo, Eubji) 5. Through the whole period of Chosen Dynasty, the geographical distribution of 'Dae' had much in Kyungsangdo and Pyungahndo.

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통도사 상로전 영역의 공간구성 변화 고찰 (A Review on Changes in Spatial Formation of the Sangrojun Area in Tongdo Temple)

  • 홍재동
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제10권3호
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    • pp.45-60
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    • 2001
  • The Tongdo temple have been transformed continuously since its first establishment about 1300 years ago. Nevertheless three critical elements specified by 'Jajangyulsa', founder of the temple have not varied over the times but rather strengthened and strongly combined. All elements and doctrines of the religion coexist and form a harmony within the whole of the temple. This researcher examined what changes, or combinations, in spatial formation were sought for such unique structures of the Tongue temple by focusing mainly on the Sangrojun area of the temple to obtain the following findings. First. unlike a work by a Japanese researcher 'Sekino Tadashi', the east yard of the main building was found located on the section line which corresponded to the separation line of Yungkuncheokdo(營建尺度=measure running) from the edge of the Keumkangkyedan(金剛戒壇 =Buddhist platform) embankment to the corner column of the Kamrodang. This was confirmed as a result of the review of photos shown in [Chosun Kojukdobo]. Second, the number of stairs used for the Keumkangkyedan was thought to become three when the temple was firstly restored in 1379 as a result that this researcher reviewed Chinese literature 'DoSun' and [Kyedandokyung(戒壇圖經)], records by 'Lee saek' and 'Jung Shihan', studies of Yungkun measure and actual changes in the temple. Then the temple was forth restored in 1705 when the second of the stairs was changed in area and height and at the same time grounded hard for a space for a Buddhist service. Third, the roof of the main building was probably changed in shape during the Koryo period when the plane structure, furnish arrangement, emphasized front, stone lanterns of the building and political factors of that time were all considered. Fourth, the main building was Initially designed to provide a Buddhist sermon service which was assumedly followed by a similar service at a Keumkangkyedan. Thus the main building had a small window on the northern side which might be opened up to look out or otherwise go outside like a door. However, the window was probably locked up like a surrounding wall since the main building was entirely repaired after the end of Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592.

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전주시 덕진공원의 장소성 (The Placeness of Deokjin Park in Jeonju City)

  • 김연금;성종상
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제33권3호
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    • pp.65-77
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    • 2005
  • Deokjin Park in Jeonju City was the site of a pond during the Koryo Period. Although Jeonju City has developed rapidly in modem times, Deokjin Pond was preserved and was developed into a park It can be theorized that Deokjin Pond's latent character has made it possible for it to adapt to the changes it has undergone throgh the years. In this study, the placeness of Deokjin Park is determined by examining its role in the adaptation process. Placeness can be determined by examining the objective character of a certain environment and the subjective experience related to it. For this paper, documents about the history of Deokjin Park were examined so that the facts related to it could be established. In addition, a number of Jeonju citizens were asked about their memories of Deokjin Park since memories reveal people's subjective experiences. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. Deokjin Pond is an ideal space for Feng Shui. It is a holy place because the tomb of the founder of the Chosun Dynasty is close to it. In addition, it has scenic value as it is part of the Jeonju Palkyoung (eight sceneries). To this day, we can see people washing their hair in the pond, proof that Deokjin Pond is still the subject of folk beliefs. When Korea was under Japanese rule, Deokjin Pond became Deokjin Park because of its ideal location, scenic value, and grand possibilities as an amusement center. Over the years, though its scenic value decreased after the death of its pine trees. Jeonju City, however, was able to revive the park's charm though a series of renovation projects and through the addition of several facilities. Deokjin Park is now surrounded by many cultural buildings. The significance of Deokjin Park can be expected to evolve with these changes. This study helps to predict the future of Deokjin Park and to elucidate the importance of landscape architecture from the point of view of an "evolving place."