• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.75-99
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• 1991

A quantitative analysis was carried out to monitor the commercial yield level of walleye pollock Theragra chalcogramma in the east coast of Korea, based on available data on catch and fishing effort, catch per unit of effort including fish prices from 1911 to 1988, using a traditional yield model. The results from the quantitative assessment were based to estimate maximum economic yield (MEY) and optimal fishing effort (E-opt) at MEY. On the other hand, interaction aspects between danish seine fishery and trawl fishery mainly targeting walleye pollock in the east coast of Korea were studied to predict optimal situation in fishing effort level from economic point of view which gives the most benefits to the two fisheries. Total production of walleye pollock in 1911 when its catch record was begun for the first time was about 12, 000 metric tons(M/T), and then the catch trend maintained nearly at the level of 50, 000 M/T per annum, showing a decreasing trend until 1930. The highest production from historical data base on walleye pollock fishery statistics was from the years in 1939 and 1940, about 270, 000 M/T and 26, 000 M/T, respectively. No production of the fish species was recorded during the years from 1943 to 1947, and from 1949 to 1951. From 1952 onwards annual production was only available from the southern part of 38$^{\circ}$N in the east coast. During two decades from 1952 to 1970, the production had sustained about less than 30, 000 M/T every year. Annual production showed an increasing trend from 1971, reaching a maximum level of approximately 162, 000 M/T in 1981. Afterwards, it has deceased sharply year after year and amounted to 180, 000 M/T in 1988. The catch composition of walleye pollock for different fishery segments during 1970~1988 showed that more than 70% of the total catch was from danish seine fishery until 1977 but from 1978 onwards, the catch proportion did not differ from one another, accounting for the nearly same proportion. Catch per unit of effort (CPUE) for both danish seine fishery and trawl fishery maintained a decline tendency after 1977 when the values of CPUE were at level of 800 kg/haul for the former fishery and 1, 300 kg/haul for the latter fishery, respectively. CPUEs of gillnet fishery during 1980~1983 increased to about 3.5 times as high value as in the years, 1970~1979 and during 1987~1988 it decreased again to the level of the years, 1970~1978. The bottom longline fishery's CPUE wa at a very low level (20 kg/basket) through the whole study years, with exception of the value (60 kg/basket) in 1980. Fishing grounds of walleye pollock in the east coast of Korea showed a very limited distribution range. Danish seine fishery concentrated fishing around the coastal areas of Sokcho and Jumunjin during January~February and October~December. Distributions of fishing grounds of trawl fishery were the areas along the coastal regions in the central part of the east coast. Gillnet and bottom longline fisheries fished walleye pollock mainly in the areas of around Sokcho and Jumunjin during January~February and December. Relationship between CPUEs' values from danish seine fishery and trawl fishery was used to standardize fishing effort to apply to surplus production model for estimating maximum sustainable yield (MSY) and optimum fish effort (F-opt) at MSY. The results suggested a MSY of 114, 000 M/T with an estimated F-opt of 173, 000 hauls per year. Based on the estimates of MSY and F-opt, MEY was estimated to be about 94, 000 M/T with a range of 81, 000 to 103, 000 M/T and E-opt 100, 000 hauls per year with a range of 80, 000 to 120, 000 hauls. The estimated values of MEY and E-opt corresponded to 82% of MSY and 58% of F-opt, respectively. An optimal situation in the fishing effort level, which can envisage either simultaneously maximum yield or maximum benefit for both danish seine fishery and trawl fishery, was determined from relationship between revenue and cost of running the fleet : the optimal fishing effort of danish seine fishery was about 52, 000 hauls per year, corresponding to 50 danish seiners and 27, 000 hauls per year which is equal nearly to 36 trawlers, respectively. It was anticipated that the net income from sustainable yield estimated from the respective optimal fishing effort of the two fisheries will be about 3, 800 million won for danish seine fishery and 1, 000 million won for trawl fishery.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.51-69
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• 1992

Grief that is not acknowledged and worked through may manifest itself in some emotional, mental or physical problem. In recent years much has been learned about coping with grief which the hospice program can utilize to help family members cope with their grief. This study was carried out to determine the helpfulness of the bereavement care of Severance Hospice and to learm more about the grief response of the bereaved. The tools used to collect data were an assessment form used in the bereavement program and the Grief Experience Inventory developed by Sanders and revised and translated 'by the researcher. Data was obtained from bereaved family members(54 for the final grief assessment and 39 for the grief response assessment) receiving bereavement follow-up, from July 1989 to March 1991. Results of the study were as follows: 1. Final Grief Assessment Regarding the resolution of their grief the majority of the bereaved accepted the reality of the death of their family member, while slightly more than three-quarters were able to express their feelings toward their loss. A large majority had returned to activities of daily living well or fairly well and had reinvested their energy in a person other than the deceased. In addition, the physical condition of the majority was good or fairly good. A majority of the bereaved considered the bereavement care to be helpful and almost three-quarters were not considered to be in need of more follow-up. 2. Grief Response Assessment Age was found to have a modoerately positive correlation to appetite disturbance(r=.41, P<.Ol) and loss of vigor(r=.37, P<.Ol) A moderately positive correlation was found between the number of contacts and sleep disturbance(r=2.38, P<.01) Significant differences were found between men and women in regard to guilt(t=2.38, P<.05), social isolation(t=2.44, P<.05) and depersonalization(t=2.07, P<.05) with men having the more intense grief. Significant differences were found in the grief responses of somatization(F=5.82, P<.001), physical symptoms(F=5.87, P<.OOl), appetite disturbance(F=4.40, P<.Ol), despair(3.79, P<,Ol), anger(Fp2.83, P<.05), social isolation(F=3.61, P<.05), guilt(F=3.62, P<.05) and depersonalization (F = 2.58, P <.05). In the first six of these grief responses mothers scored highest, followed by husbands and then wives, In the grief response of guilt, daughters scored highest and on the grief response of depersonalization sons scored highest. Only one grief response, that of sleep disturbance(t= -2.19, P<.05) was found to be statistically significant, with those family members who died at home having the higher scores. Based on the results of this study several suggestions are presented as follows: 1. Since unresolived grief can have a detrimental effect on the bereaved person's mental and phys. ical health it would be good for the nurse, to include questions related to death of family members and the bereaved person's response to the grief, in her nursing assessment. And in the case of unresolved grief the nurse should encourage the person to talk with a trusted friend or counselor and express their fellings of grief. 2. A study to determine the degree of resolution of the grief of those in the bereavement program could be carried out by use of the Grief Experience Inventory early in their bereavement and again 13 months after the death of their family member. 3. A comparison of the grief response of the bereaved in the bereavement program and bereaved not in the program could be carried out using the Grief Experience Inventory. 4. After bereavement programs have been started in other hospice programs it would be good to carry out a joint study of bereavement outcomes of those in the bereavement programs.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.150-191
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• 2007

Defamation lawsuits of public figures against media have been an issue since Roh government set in. Dissension between the government and media has probably acted as the key factor on this problem. Accordingly, arguments on the defamation lawsuits of public figures occurred the political issues such as opposition between the Progressive and the Conservative Parties or between the ins and the outs and showed the limits to suggest an appropriate judgment or solution. This study will analyze how the court makes its judgement on their rights and the limits by understanding the characteristic and the problem of defamation lawsuits made by senior government officials including a politician, the government, the president, and etc. As results, the defamation lawsuits of politicians and senior government officials showed specially noteworthy matters in salvation (damage suits), the amount claimed, court costs, ratio of winning lawsuits, and etc. The result on the tendency of the court decision showed the following matters in confusion: it holds the media responsible for the burden of proof by applying the inappropriate criterion; The applied laws, especially in the inferior court decision, do not show the consistency of the burden of proof between the misconception/ intention (malice)/ accident/ purpose of slander on the legal principles of public figures. Therefore, this study suggests the court to apply an appropriate law, let alone regulating the Anti-SLAPP law, so that it curtails the rights of public figures; limits the salvation of damage suit; and protects the right only in the case of false accusation by applying the existing law of "the Protection of the Deceased's Defamation Law." In order to dissolve the confusion when applying the laws on the public figures, the study insists the court to positively apply the Constitutional Court made criterion on "people" and "content." The study also insists to distinguish "intention(malice)," "accident," and "purpose of slander" and variant sorts of the burden of proof should be applied to each.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.168-197
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• 2017

This paper considers two aspects of the wooden chamber tombs with stone mound that were constructed in Wolseong North Burial Ground, in Gyeongju: tomb form and the group tomb complex. The basic unit of a wooden chamber tomb with stone mound consisted of a single round mound, covered with an additional earthen layer and surrounded by a circle of protective stones, within which a single wooden chamber was located. The form of a wooden chamber tomb with stone mound could therefore 1) be round, consisting of a single tomb unit, 2) consist of two or more attached tomb units, 3) or consist of multiple attached chambers in a single mound. The single tomb contained the burial of a single individual, and the attached tomb contained two or more individuals who were blood relations or connected by marriage. Multiple attached chambers tombs usually consisted of wooden chamber burials of the lowest rank, and have only been identified in the royal burial area of Wolseong North Burial Ground. At the Jjoksaem Area of Wolseong North Burial Ground, which is currently, under investigation, tombs have been found in small clusters along the slightly raised ground. This is likely the result of small groups of kin relations, upon selecting points along the slightly raised ground as their burial area, having constructed midsized and large single tombs and attached tombs along the axis of the slightly raised ground, which were then surrounded by smaller 'satellite' tombs. It is through this process that the tomb complex of the different groups came to be formed. The tombs of the royal burial area of Wolseong North Burial Ground, including the Daereungwon Tomb Complex, also formed group tomb complexes. Forming the centers of the group tomb complexes of the royal tomb area were huge individual round tombs where the Maripgan rulers were laid to rest or a gourd-shaped dual mound tomb, which was the final resting place of the king and his queen consort. These central tombs were surrounded by large and smaller tombs. Of the individuals that were buried in the group tomb complexes, there would have been individuals that were of equal status or social position, such as husbands and wives or blood relations, but it is unlikely that all of the buried individuals were related by blood, given the significant difference in the sizes of the tombs. It is likely that the individuals buried in the lower ranked tombs included in the group tomb complexes were 'dependents' of the deceased of the central tomb and his or her direct family who maintained a subservient relationship. Such tomb forms and group tomb complexes that can be observed amongst the wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds of Wolseong North Burial Ground provide insights into the nature of the social groups of the Silla center during the Maripgan Period. It is hoped that future studies undertaking a more detailed analysis of the data may make further contributions to unveiling the various aspects of Silla society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.223-242
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• 2022

The main purpose of this study is to find out the meaning of structural changes that appeared in the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty after the application of a compound lime-mortar(Sammulhoe三物灰: the mortar with lime, sand, ocher). In the early Joseon Dynasty, the royal tomb was constructed by following the system of the stone chamber tomb in the Goryeo Dynasty. However the system of the stone chamber tomb recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀: The five category's formalities in the Joseon Dynasty)』 is very different from that in the Goryeo Dynasty. The biggest difference is that a compound lime-mortar was applied into the system of the stone chamber tomb in order to attempt structural reinforcement. This change reflects King Sejong's willingness to build a dense structure in which water does not permeate the stone chamber when Yeongneung(英陵) was built in 1446(the 28th year of King Sejong's reign). Yeongneung is a complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall. After constructing a stone chamber, the 1.2m(4尺) thick wall with a compound lime-mortar is additionally constructed outside the stone chamber structure. In 1468(the year of King Yejong's accession), according to the will of King Sejo, the stone chamber system was abolished and the Hyeongung(玄宮: the chamber enshrining a coffin of the deceased king or queen consort) was constructed only by the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar. This change become a primary cause for the royal tomb to be constructed as Hoekyukneung(灰隔陵: the royal tomb with chamber constructed only by the thick wall with compound lime-mortar) in the late Joseon Dynasty. The Hoekyukneung in the late Joseon Dynasty has been constructed with the method of structure and construction for the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar since the complex structure recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀)』. The Hoekuykseoksilneung(灰隔石室陵: the complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall) is unique tomb style of Joseon Dynasty and become a motive of tomb system(Hoekuykneung) in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.113-150
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• 2016

Chobun refers to a temporary grave covered with straw thatch that contains a corpse until its flesh is gone. When all the flesh has rotted away, the straw grave is disassembled and only the bones are retrieved. Therefore, Chobun is an example of a secondary burial custom (German : Doppel Bestattung) that is composed of a first temporary funeral for processing the corpse's flesh, and a second permanent burial of the final remains (bones or ashes). The duration of the temporary burial is determined by the time needed for decomposing the flesh of the deceased. Building a Chobun progresses putrefaction and reduction to bone. In the literature of alchemy, putrefaction and new life occur simultaneously. The purpose of rotting is to make the flesh disappear, leaving only its essence. It is making the physical body enter a spiritual state, so that the dead can enter into a different world. One must endure the unstable rotting process until the smell of flesh has faded. The rotting process is the attitude of accepting the terrible, polluted aspect of the corpse, while maintaining a helpless, passive posture, in order to allow new possibilities. When we try to approach an archetypal aspect of the unconscious, it is often experienced in threatening, aggressive ways. In the individuation process, the unconscious offers us the blessing of a new spiritual awakening and renewed sense of life, only when we have the courage to see this terrifying and contaminated side of our psyche. This is exactly what putrefaction means. Bone and skeleton symbolize the indestructible, imperishable, and essential elements of life. Bone is the minimum unit and foundation for regeneration, where new life can grow. Reduction to bone is moving back to the origin of life, to the womb. Psychologically, it means discarding one's ego-centeredness and allowing the Self to lead the entire process of individuation. Going through the painful process of reduction to a skeleton for the purpose of further development is a declaration of the death of the ego, aiming at the liberation from perishable flesh and acquisition of the spiritual, regenerative, and immortal elements of life. Chobun also denotes the yearly decay and revival of life, especially of vegetal life. In Chobun, this symbolic meaning of the vegetal cycle of life is emphasized to represent the part of life that survives even after death. Vegetation related to Chobun deals with the continuity of life and psychologically with the Self. Images of vegetation are closely related to the existence of life beyond death, which is the existence of the Self, the source of energy that constantly renews and rejuvenates the consciousness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.126-147
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• 2018

The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2019

Bi-Seok is a treasure trove of funeral rites and an important cultural asset that can shed light on the historical and social history of calligraphy, but research of the topic is still insignificant. In particular, research on the production method of Bi-Seok remains an unproven field. The production of Bi-Seok can be roughly divided into ma-jeong (refining stone), sculpture, and the Buk-chil (process of engraving letters) process. This article reveals some facts: First, performing ma-jeong to the Sang-Seok, Honyu-Seok, Bi-seok, which are known to be God's things. This process is needed because of the change in the perception of the Honyu-Seok due to the settlement and propagation of Confucian ceremonial rituals in the times of hardship in 1592 and 1636. As the crafting process of ma-jeong did not remain concrete, it was only possible to examine the manufacturing process of Bi-Seok through its materials and tools. Second, the rapid proliferation of Oh-Seok and Sa-jeo-chwi-yong (purchase of things made by private citizens) in the Yeongjo era has great importance in social and cultural history. When the Gang-Hwa-Seok of the commodity were exhausted, the Oh-Seok that was used by Sadebu (upper civil class) were used in the tomb of Jangneung, which made Oh-Seok popular among people. In particular, the use of Oh-Seok and the Ma-Jeong process could minimize chemical and physical damage. Third, the writing method of the Bi-seok is Buk-chil. After Buk-Chil of Song Si-Yeol was used on King Hyojong's tomb, the Buk-Chil process ( printing the letters on the back of the stone and rubbing them to make letters) became the most popular method in Korea and among other East Asian countries, and the fact that it was institutionalized to this scale was quite impressive. Buk-Chil became more sophisticated by using red ink rather than black ink due to the black color that results from Oh-Seok. Fourth, the writing method changes in the late Joseon Dynasty. Until the time of Yeongjo's regime, when inscribing, the depth of the angle was based on the thickness of the stroke, thus representing the shade. This technique, of course, did not occur at every Pyo-Seok or Shindobi, but was maintained by outstanding artisans belonging to government agencies. Therefore, in order to manufacture Bi-Seok, Suk-seok, YeonJeong, Ma-jeong, Jeong-Gan, ChodoSeoIp, Jung-Cho, Ip-gak, Gyo-Jeong, and Jang-Hwang, a process was needed to make one final product. Although all of these methods serve the same purpose of paying respects and propagandizing the great work of deceased persons, through this analysis, it was possible to see the whole process of Pyo-Seok based upon the division of techniques and the collaboration of the craftsmen.