• Journal of Korean Neurosurgical Society
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• 제65권5호
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• pp.652-664
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• 2022

The Kernohan-Woltman notch phenomenon (KWNP) refers to an intracranial lesion causing massive side-to-side mass effect which leads to compression of the contralateral cerebral peduncle against the free edge of the cerebellar tentorium. Diagnosis is based on "paradoxical" motor deficit ipsilateral to the lesion associated with radiologic evidence of damage to the contralateral cerebral peduncle. To date, there is scarce evidence regarding KWNP associated neuroimaging patterns and motor function prognostic factors. A systematic review was conducted on Medline database from inception to July 2021 looking for English-language articles concerning KWNP, in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. The research yielded 45 articles for a total of 51 patients. The mean age was 40.7 years-old and the male/female sex ratio was 2/1. 63% of the patients (32/51) suffered from head trauma with a majority of acute subdural hematomas (57%, 29/51). 57% (29/51) of the patients were in the coma upon admission and 47% (24/51) presented pupil anomalies. KWNP presented the neuroimaging features of compression ischemic stroke located in the contralateral cerebral peduncle, with edema in the surrounding structures and sometimes compression stroke of the cerebral arteries passing nearby. 45% of the patients (23/51) presented a good motor functional outcome; nevertheless, no predisposing factor was identified. A Glasgow coma scale (GCS) of more than 3 showed a trend (p=0.1065) toward a better motor functional outcome. The KWNP is a regional compression syndrome oftentimes caused by sudden and massive uncal herniation and leading to contralateral cerebral peduncle ischemia. Even though patients suffering from KWNP usually present a good overall recovery, patients with a GCS of 3 may present a worse motor functional outcome. In order to better understand this syndrome, future studies will have to focus on more personalized criteria such as individual variation of tentorial notch width.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2020년도 제62차 하계학술대회논문집 28권2호
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• pp.107-110
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• 2020

북한의 사이버 공격은 매년 증가하고 있으며 공격 수행인력 또한 6,800여 명으로 지속 늘어나고 있어 우리에게 큰 위협이 되고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 현재까지 북한의 사이버 공격사례 분석은 각각의 사건에 대한 개별 현황분석밖에 되지 않아 큰 시각에서의 공격 기술 유형이 어떻게 변화하였는지와 관련된 연구가 필요하다. 이에 따라 본 논문에서는 우선 사이버전의 일반사항 및 공격 기술을 확인하고 최근 3년간 발생한 북한의 사이버 공격사례를 조사하여 세부적으로 사용된 주요 공격 기술의 유형을 확인하고자 한다.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2020년도 제62차 하계학술대회논문집 28권2호
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• pp.111-114
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• 2020

우리나라에 대한 사이버 공격의 배후로 추정되는 북한의 사이버조직에 우리는 얼마나 알고 있을까? 사이버 공간의 특성상 공격 흔적이 남지 않기에 언론사들은 북한의 사이버조직과 관련하여 일관된 정보를 거의 제공하지 못하고 있다. 따라서 갈수록 진화하는 북한의 사이버 공격에 효과적으로 대비하기 위해 본 논문에서는 비록 인터넷에 공개된 자료(논문, 기사 등)라 할지라도 이를 통해서 북한 사이버조직 현황 및 주요 공격사례를 중심으로 관련 정보를 살펴보고자 한다.

• 지능정보연구
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• 제25권3호
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• pp.63-88
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• 2019

북한의 변화와 동향 파악에 대한 연구는 북한관련 정책에 대한 방향을 결정하고 북한의 행위를 예측하여 사전에 대응 할 수 있다는 측면에서 매우 중요하다. 현재까지 북한 동향에 대한 연구는 전문가를 중심으로 과거 사례를 서술적으로 분석하여, 향후에 북한의 동향을 분석하고 대응하여 왔다. 이런 전문가 서술 중심의 북한 변화 및 동향 연구에서 비정형데이터를 이용한 텍스트마이닝 분석이 더해지면 보다 과학적인 북한 동향 분석이 가능할 것이다. 특히 북한의 동향 파악과 북한의 대남 관련 행위와 연관된 연구는 통일 및 국방 분야에서 매우 유용하며 필요한 분야이다. 본 연구에서는 북한의 신문 기사 내용을 활용한 텍스트마이닝 방법으로 북한과 관련한 핵심 단어를 구축하였다. 그리고 본 연구는 김정은 집권 이후 최근의 남북관계의 극적인 관계와 변화들을 기반으로 세 개의 기간을 나누고 이 기간 내에 국내 언론에 나타난 북한과 관련성이 높은 단어들을 시계열적으로 분석한 연구이다. 북한과 관련한 주요 단어들을 세 개의 기간별로 분류하고 당시에 북한의 태도와 동향에 따라 해당 단어와 주제들의 관련성이 어떻게 변화하였는지를 파악하였다. 본 연구는 텍스트마이닝을 이용한 연구가 남북관계 및 북한의 동향을 이해하고 분석하는 방법론으로서 얼마나 유용한 것이지를 파악하는 것이었다. 앞으로 북한의 동향 분석에 대한 연구는 물론 대북관계 및 정책에 대한 방향을 결정하고, 북한의 행위를 사전에 예측하여 대응 할 수 있는 북한 리스크 측정 모델 구축을 위한 연구로 진행 될 것이다.

• 방사선산업학회지
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.411-416
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• 2023

From Cold War, Nuclear weapons have emerged military power into a very dangerous and important way of each national security. Throughout the era, the U.S. had stationed nuclear weapons in South Korea. But President George Bush initially started the withdrawal of nuclear tactical weapons deployed abroad in 1991. After that, under the protection of the nuclear umbrella, South Korea guarantees that the United States would operate its nuclear weapons to protect South Korea if it would be needed and the economy of South Korea has rapidly developed as more strong countries in the world. However, South Korea has seen and been realized the present state from the recent war between Russia and Ukraine. The protection of the U.S. nuclear umbrella from nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles of North Korea is unlikely to be permanently guaranteed. At the same time, South Korea should consider the security environment changes of surrounding nations such as China as military power acceleration and Russia as re-formation ambition. Because of these reasons, South Korea independently wants to protect itself and have the own nuclear weapons as a way to counter security threats. A majority of South Koreans also definitely believe that North Korea will not denuclearize or give up because North Korea has been having nuclear weapons as the final survival strategy of Kim Jong Un's regime. However, South Korea considers and makes new nuclear strategy through the role and effect of nuclear deterrence strategy in dispute between India and Pakistan and how to overcome the paradox of nuclear deterrence strategy. Therefore, this research is to suggest the effective nuclear deterrence strategy of South Korea from new security threats of surrounding nations through dispute between India and Pakistan. The focus of this research is that what is the role and paradox of nuclear deterrence strategy in dispute between India and Pakistan and how to find the effective nuclear deterrence strategy of South Korea.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.317-321
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• 2023

After 'emphasizing the development of the precision reconnaissance drone' in 2021, North Korea unveiled two strategic drones in July 2023, just two years later. Despite the majority of experts offering negative assessments and stating that "the performance may not be good," North Korea can be seen as having not only enhanced its routine surveillance capabilities through strategic drones but also possessing limited long-range strike capabilities. In other words, although the performance of North Korea's strategic unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), namely the 'Satbyol-4' and '9' models, may not match that of U.S. drones, they appear to play a significant role in offsetting North Korea's considerable aerial and surveillance inferiority compared to the joint forces of South Korea and the United States. Based on these trends, North Korea seems to be concentrating on drone development to counterbalance its considerable aerial power and surveillance capabilities deficit compared to the joint forces of South Korea and the United States, especially as the global use of drones continues to increase.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.57-84
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• 2013

North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제15권7호
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• pp.4246-4257
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• 2014

본 연구는 일반대학에서 군사학과 설치 학교의 대학생들과 미설치 학교의 학생들의 안보의식을 비교분석하여 안보전략과 안보교육 프로그램을 모색하고자 연구를 진행하였다. 대학생들의 안보의식을 조사한 결과, 보통수준으로 나타났고, 지역과 성별에 따라 차이를 보였으며, 현재 우리나라 안보의 안정성에 대한 인식은 평균적으로 낮게 나타나 안보에 대한 불안감을 느끼는 것으로 조사되었으며, 북한의 도발이 안보에 미치는 영향은 높게 인식(평균 4.33점)하였다. 군사학과 설치 여부와 군사학과 개설에 따른 대학생들의 안보의식에 미치는 영향은 보통수준(3.44점)으로 조사되었고, 지역, 성별, 병역에 따라서 차이를 보였으며, 군사학과 운용 인지도와 상관이 있는 것으로 분석되었다. 따라서 군사학과 학생들의 학습내용, 혜택과 향후 진로 등을 적극적으로 홍보하여 군으로의 양질의 우수인력 획득은 물론, 일반대학생들의 안보의식을 제고하는 계기가 되도록 안보당국의 정책적 배려가 요구된다.

• 해양안보
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.45-72
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• 2021

북한의 사이버 능력은 세계 금융기관 및 외국정부(특히 미국정부, 한국정부)들에 비교적 새로운 위협이 되고 있다. 본 정성 논문에서는, 언론 기사, 학술 출간물과 같은 공개 원천들을 주로 이용하여, 북한 지도자 김정은이 자국의 비대칭 전력을 강화하고 병진노선(경제와 군사력의 동시 발전)을 진전시키는 방식을 분석한다. 특히 북한 공작원들은 사이버 분야와 해양 분야를 통합함으로써 체제에 더 많은 수익을 창출하고 있으며, 심한 제제에도 불구하고 북한 지도부가 권력을 유지하는 데에도 기여한다. 북한 해커들에 관한 국제적 관심이 높아졌지만, 북한의 국제정치 문화에서 사이버의 중요한 역할을 조사한 분석가는 거의 없으며, 특히 김정은의 병진노선 진전 부문에 있어서는 더 그렇다. 사이버는, 오래전부터 존재해 온 북한의 비정규전 및 게릴라 기반 무장투쟁 전통에 잘 맞아떨어진다. 또한, 사이버는 경제 혁신가 및 군사 전략가로서의 김정은의 북한 내 개인의 명성 역시 높인다. 본 논문은 이데올로기 맥락 및 해양 맥락에서 북한 사이버 작전의 역할에 초점을 맞춘다. 북한 해커들은 한국 조선산업을 타깃으로 해왔으며, '해양 체인(Marine Chain)'이라는 블록체인 사기도 개발했다. 북한 사이버 첩보원들은 활동에서 사이버 분야와 해양 분야의 연계에 점점 더 초점을 맞춰왔다.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제7권4호
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• pp.135-156
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• 2005

Since July 7 mutual declaration in 1988 which is a landmark for South-North Korean relations, Inter-Korean Trade has been set out. During the period, the Inter-Korean Trade has been ups and downs depending on the Inter-Korean relations and economic situation of both countries. South Korea became one of the major three trading countries of North Korea's trading partners in 2000, when the sum of annual trade volume reached the record 425million US dollars. A rapidly increasing number of countries including North Korea are developing national policies and strategies to promote the digital economy, recognizing the potential benefits of e-business as an engine of growth and development. However, the trade structure of South-North Korea remains very simple in terms of its contents. Furthermore trade procedure many limitations especially electronic commerce in North Korea has many obstacles to working properly. The information in Inter-Korean trade cannot be shared in common. South Korean firms have suffered repeatedly trial and error and excessive competition took place among South Korean firms. Institutional inertia related to mutual trade, political and military Impacts on Inter-Korean economic relations, abnormal industrial structure of North Korea and insufficiency of SOC could be mentioned as major problems in Inter-Korean trade as well. Several measures should be taken in order to cope with those problems. First of all, South Korean government should provide valuable information to business firms about North Korean economy and business environments. It is suggested that forums related to inter-Korean trade hold in regular base between South and North Koreas and establish the system of business information sharing. Second, the government should improve various laws and regulations to respond to the realistic needs of inter-Korean trade. That is, detailed measures should be taken to guarantee investment in electronic commerce. Third, it is desirable to start with the mutual agreement between South and North Korea.