• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.90 no.3
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• pp.398-412
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to examine the roles of the forest-land registry system in the Forest Law of 1908 and the effects this system had on the colonial forest-land policy used in Korea under the influence of Japanese Imperialism. This was started under the Profit-sharing Forest System which was one of the policies for disposing of the Korean national forests. The purpose of this system was to establish forest-land ownership, a fundamental human right. This system was enforced by the Japanese Colonial Government without regard to the customary and important right of Koreans to use the forests, and without considering the distinction between national and private forests. Koreans understood that this system was a warning sign of a tax being imposing on forest-land owners. Furthermore, Koreans thought the Japanese were using this system to deprive them of their forest-land. The strata of Koreans reporting ownership were very limited and included the intellectual(upper-middle) class, higher officials in counties and townships, relatives and relations of these officials, and survey agents. In particular the actual owners could not submit a report registering their land in this system because the required survey cost more than the value of the forest-land. Within the time period specified by the Japanese Colonial Government, about 520,000 registries were reported involving 2.2 million Jung-bo(.9917 hectare) with most of these coming during the last five months of reporting period. Koreans made a reasonable request to extend the deadline, but it was refused. After the reporting period expired there were no follow-up measures such as verification of the reported registrations nor establishment of boundaries between national and private forests. According to Article 19 in the Forest Law of 1908 about 14 million Jung-bo, which was not registered within the reporting period was nationalized. The colonial forest-land policy used in Korea by the Japanese Colonial Government was as follows : (1) to create a large number of national forests in the early period of their rule, (2) to divide these national forests into indispensible national forests and dispensible national forests, and (3) to transfer ownership of the dispensible national forests to colonial Japanese. To achieve the latter, the occupational government needed a method to insure ownership. They devised a tree-planting scheme in which the national forests classified as disposable were "loaned" and then transferred to these Japanese. The actual Korean owners claimed title to this forest-land and asked for the eviction of the new owners but the Japanese occupation government rejected these suits using the excuse that previous Korean owners did not submit the required registration report within the specified time period. In short the Principle of Forest-land Registry was used as a means to consolidate the forest-lands of Korea and distribute large portions of it to Japanese citizens after seizing it from the rightful Korean owners.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.31-41
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• 2020

Since its foundation in the unified Silla period, Sunam Temple in Jeollanam-do has well preserved its reputation as a representative temple in Honam. However, during the course of history as the temple went through many changes and development, much of its landscape identity were lost or damaged. At present, we found that some of distinctive features as traditional Korean temple are lost or damaged in Sunam temple and in some cases, Japanese style features were applied which calls for urgent restoration to the original landscape style. We found that vegetation pattern of Sunam temple was quite different from those of traditional Korean temples and garden components were rather similar to Japanese garden style. There are two reasons why these changes occurred to Sunam-temple. The first reason is changes made to the temple by Japanese people during the Japanese occupation period in Korea. The second is the renovation effort of the entire temple in 1976. The study aimed to examine landcape changes of Sunam temple in detail and understand Japanese style landscape components and methods applied to the Sunam temple to untimately understand landscape identity of Sunam temple. On-site research, literature research and interviews with monks were conducted and we found that Sunam-sa Temple was significantly influenced by the landscape style of Japan, and that more Japanese-style landscapes were produced while trying to hide these elements. However, this study was limited in understanding the very original landscape form of Sunam temple before the Japanese coloniral era.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.1-11
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• 2012

This study examines the implementation process of landscaping projects in Japanese colonial era focusing on landscaping of Keijo Imperial University and draws conclusions as follows. First, landscaping of Keijo Imperial University in Japanese colonial era progressed based on Hoegyebeop and it provides important materials including the floor plan of the garden, detailed statement and other documents required for the construction. Second, it was all Japanese enterprises that took part in landscaping of Keijo Imperial University and the construction progressed under a private contract by lowest-price contract-awarding system after five enterprises' submitting estimates. Third, according to the floor plan for the landscaping, the garden had a shape of a quadrant and its boundaries were utilized as side gutters and connected to a drainage system. Fourth, though the floor plan doesn't clarify specific names of trees, detailed statement shows sorts of trees of the time. Trees of Chosun were plentifully introduced due to regional features and pines were the most expensive one when they were voluminous. This study has significance that it conducts an empirical research on main materials and techniques of landscaping projects in Japanese colonial era.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.14 no.5 s.52
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• pp.10-17
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• 2005

This Study is concerned with the acceptance of Western timber structure and the interior space of church buildings in the early modern period in Korea. Timber roofs have represented a wide variety of constructional forms and have been fundamental to any technological appraisal of the evolution of both of Western and Eastern architecture. Especially the roof structure of the church buildings reflects the technological level, aesthetic sense, and spacial concepts of the age. Between Western timber structure and Korean timber structure, there are many differences in not only structural form but also form of roof, members, load, frame system and etc. And there were various types of framing technique such as timber truss, timber arch, timber vault in the western style church architecture in the early modern period in Korea. I have summarized the character of the acceptance process of Western timber structure and the influences on the interior space of church buildings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.422-433
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to investigate changes in Korean meat consumption as well as meat consumption trends. During the Japanese occupation period, the supply of meat was considerably insufficient. However, meat consumption mainly in large cities has gradually increased. Especially, 'Pyeongyang cow', a specialty of Pyeongyang, started being raised as edible beef cattle in 1933. During the chaotic period following liberation from Japan, the price of meat sharply increased. However, as the meat supply stabilized, the 'beef grade system' was introduced in 1967. Since then, beef has sold according to region. During the early economic growth period of the mid-1970s, meat consumption rapidly increased, and foreign beef was first imported in 1976. The preference for beef was somewhat attenuated due to the outbreak of mad cow disease and economic slowdown of the 1990s, resulting in an increase in the consumption of pork, a replacement meat. During the recent period of economic development, meat consumption has somewhat fallen and remained low. In late 2003, with the occurrence of mad cow disease in the US, the demand for pork, and especially pork fatback, has sharply increased.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.223-251
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• 2018

This paper comparatively considered how Korea and Japan address the concept of 'postwar' in descriptions of their literary history. In Japan, 'postwar' refers to the period after World War II (Asia-Pacific War). This word implies a variety of contexts such as collapse, poverty, confusion, calendar reform, reconstruction and restoration as well as a series of historical events such as war, war defeat, and American occupation; and so it has been treated in Japanese society a significant period. In the history of Korean literature, it is after national liberation that the word 'postwar' appeared; however, it has usually indicated 'the period after the Korean War.' The question is that although the term of postwar refers to periods after different wars, Koreans used the term of postwar also in the same way as Japan, and their concept of postwar overlaps with the concept of prewar or postwar used in Japan, and accordingly, side effects are produced that fail to grasp properly the independent characteristics and significance of the Korean War. In conclusion, the Korean War brought about contrasting effects on the history of Korean and Japanese literature. While the Korean War meant a start after the war in Korean literature, it became a turning point marking the end of postwar in Japanese literature. Such different perceptions on postwar also have major implications in that perceptions represent postwar discourses in today's Korea and Japan.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.6
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• pp.1-46
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• 2003

During the ancient times, there was no separative judicial system and administrative , legislative and judiciary functions were ultimately concentrated in the all-powerful monarch. And the three states developed state organization , adopting hieratical structures and placing at the pinnacle . State Codes were promulgated to initiate a legal system to rule the people, these codes instituted under influence of China codes. The people tradition sees crime control as the preservation of the authority of hereditary rulers. In the period of the Koryeo dynasty, government accepted a serious of detailed penal code from Tang dynasty . Legal response to crime stressed preservation of the dynasty rather than making citizen behave according to certain rules. In the period of Early Joseon , the compilation of Grand Code for state administration was initiated, the Kyeongkuk Taejeon ,became comer stone of the dynastic administration and provided the monarchial system with a sort of constitutional law in written form. This national code was in portant means of criminal policy at that time, Late Joseon , the impact of Western culture entering through China gave further impetus to pragmatic studies which called for socio-economic reforms and readjustment. Approach to criminal justice policy emphasized more equitable operation of the criminal justice system ,rehabilitation and crime control. Korea-Japanese Treaty concluded on 22 August ,1910 and proclaim a week later ,Japan gave the coup de grace to the Korea Empire and changed the office of the Resident - General into the Government - General . Thus korean criminal policy were lost during a dark ages ,which lasted for 36 years after fall of Joseon Dynasty (the colnial period,1910${\sim}$1945). After 1945 Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the occupation of devided Korea by the United States and Soviet Union frustrated the efforts of Koreans to establish an independent government, and the transplantation of two conflicting political ideologies to south and the north of the 38th parallel further intensified the national split. U.S. military government office occupied the south of the 38 the parallel and placed emphasis on democracy of criminal policy. ln 1948, the U.S. military government handed over to the ROK government its administrative authority.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.8
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• pp.117-128
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• 2018

The central of Ulsan was formed and has been developed in alluvial plains the Riverfront of Taehwa River and Dongcheon River Fortresses including Gyebyeonseong of the late Silla, Chisoseong of the Goryeo, Ulsan Gyeonsangjwabyeongyeongseong, Ulsaneupseong, Ulsanwaeseong and Yeompoyeongseong as well as Gugangseowon and Old Ulsanhyanggyo and other facilities well display such fact. In the southern areas of Taehwa River, Byeokpajeong of Samsan, Buddhist temples and pavilion architectures used to be located. In its upstream areas, Eonyangeupseong, Eonyanghyanggo, Banguseowon and Daegokcheon Petroglyph exist as well. As such, the Riverfront of Taehwa River are a central space where the civilization of Ulsan has grown and developed, and are regarded as a core scenic asset of Ulsan. However, the look and nature of Taehwa River changed significantly due to Ulsan irrigation project and the construction of modern bridges such as Ulsangyo and Ulsan railway bridge during the period of Japanese occupation. The old look of the area started to be ruined by water contaminations and developments of waterfront lands that resulted from the development of Ulsan Industrial Center in 1962. The water quality of Taehwa River has been improved as a result of allotting a huge budget and administrative powers before and after 1997, the year when Ulsan was elevated to a metropolitan city. However, the surrounding views around Taehwa River changed greatly due to various urban development projects including apartment complex constructions. This is because the development of the Riverfront started from a land utilization project, in which the construction of apartment complexes was included in the initial phase; as a result, the areas were changed to be private scenic assets for those apartments. Aware of such issue, this study aims to identify major scenic elements that were present in the period before such developments in the river's surrounding areas from literature and geography materials; and to reveal how various urban development projects that have been performed from the period of Japanese occupation have changed the scenic elements of Riverfront of Taehwa River. The purpose of this study is to identify qualitative and quantitative changes in scenic elements of the Riverfront of Taehwa River as well as the characteristics of the resulting changes in the surrounding scenery.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.50-73
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• 2009

A tendency to ignore the existence of public space in Korea under the Japanese colonial period seems to be driven from nationalist historiography in which all historical events under the colonial power have to be interpreted in terms of militant controls and resistances against them. Historical approach to mass media of that period has lasted to be saturated with the tendency and forced history students to stick to the nationalist guidelines. Struggles against Japanese imperial power by national-capital-operated newspaper have been a main menu of studies on the period's communication. The media were often hailed as fighting the colonial power for nation's independence. The present thesis aims to criticize the nationalist point of view and to reveal that nationalist interpretations may miss a variety of historical information. Even under the severe surveillance of colonial police some journalists tried either to inform officially or to smuggle into informed groups. The colonized society could experienced fields of public-ness throughout the practices of such as media fields, cultural fields, political fields. Those fields, of course, didn't come from the graceful favor of the colonial power but from the construction of the colonized. The public-ness seemed to be born for the easiness of control, but became later a constructed field of public-ness with which the colonized semiotically wrestled the power and grew a modern type of political (un)consciousness. Depicting what happened just before 815 liberation day in Korea the present paper showed that the less nationalist historiography can render help to those seeking political practices of the colonized in a micro-level.