• 철학연구
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• 제84호
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

신자유주의의 광풍이 21세기 초의 경제공황을 가져왔다는 인식이 지배적인 상황에서 자유주의를 철학적으로 옹호하는 것은 갈수록 힘들어지고 있다. 그런 의미에서 이 논문은 '반시대적 고찰'일 수 있다. 그러나 현대 자유민주주의의 복권은 자유주의의 외부가 아니라 내부로부터 가능할 것이다. 자유주의의 급진적 재구성 작업에서 시장에 대한 철학적 성찰이 필수적이다. 시장의 철학은 시장의 본성을 해명한 다음, 시장질서와 민주질서의 복합 상관성에 대해 논구한다. 자본주의적 시장경제가 민주주의의 논리와 적대 관계에 서 있다는 입장이나, 시장이 민주질서와 선순환관계에 있다는 입론 모두 일면적이라는 사실을 논증한다. 나아가 시장질서와 민주질서의 대립구도에 '정치적인 것'의 이념을 대입시킬 때 급진자유주의의 기획이 명료화됨을 입론한다. 결론적으로 급진자유주의가 자유주의의 보편적 적실성과 한국사회에서의 구체적 타당성을 나눠가질 수 있는 하나의 사회철학적 기획임이 입론된다.

• 한국보육지원학회지
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.115-131
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• 2017

Objective: This study aimed to examine the status of South Korean unification education for young children by reviewing Nuri curriculum developed by the Korean government. Method: Literature review was adopted in order to analyze the contents of the Nuri curriculum teachers'manuals under the areas and elements of unification education. Results: Unification education has been designed to accelerate unification, to promote the values and attitudes toward the unification of the two Koreas, and to prepare for the post-unification period. This education can be categorized into specific areas: democratic community, democratic citizenship, peacekeeping and multiculturalism. These areas account for 24.24% of the total contents in the Teachers'Manual of the Nuri curriculum. The percentage of the contents helpful to understand North Korea and unification, however, is merely 0.25% of the total contents, and the elements are not fairly balanced. Such content coverage of the teacher's manuals for kindergartens is 2.83% higher than that for preschools. Conclusion/Implications: The implications of this analysis include that the elements of unification education should take a more balanced approach with more integrated and broader coverage. The elements also need to be revised so that both kindergarteners and preschoolers can get access to unification education of the same quality.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제36권
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• pp.39-67
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• 2003

In this paper we examine cultural properties of the North Korea from 'the law of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on Protection of Cultural Property". This law was adopted the Resolution of the Standing Committee of the Supreme People's Assembly of DPR of Korea in 1994. For our study, some other laws or rules established after the end of Japanese colonial occupation (1910-1945) in North Korea were examined. The policy on protection and conservation of cultural property in North Korea seems to have taken place a relatively rapid. The purpose of this law is to carry out the policy with a view to contributing to establishment of strict system and order for protection and management of cultural property, to their preservation in original state, to their proper inheritance and development, and to enhancement of national pride and confidence among the people. This law consists of 6 chapters (52 articles): (1) Fundamentals of the law on protection of cultural property, (2) Archaeological excavation and collection of cultural relics, (3) Evaluation and registration of cultural property, (4) Preservation and management of cultural property, (5) Restoration of cultural property, and (6) Guidance and control of cultural property protection. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find the evidence of efforts to exploit the cultural properties from an academic point of view in North Korea since the late 1980s.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제14권8호
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• pp.5-8
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• 2016

Purpose - With its considerable water resources, Lao People's Democratic Republic, hereafter Lao PDR, is considered to become the "battery" of the Southeast Asia region in the next 20 years. This paper explores the investment opportunity in the hydroelectricity development project in the Lao PDR. Research design, data, and methodology - Three significant investment factors including cultural factor, political factors, and economic factors are being literally analyzed. In fulfilling the purpose of this analysis, Num Theun 2 Power Company or NTPC, a current largest hydropower project in the country, is selected for an example of a mega investment project model in the country. Results - NTPC's investment plan, budgets, and current revenue and rate of return are briefly discussed throughout the paper. In addition, this paper also briefly compares and contrasts of the investment in the Lao PDR and investment in its neighboring Singapore who is considered one of the leading developed economies in the region. Conclusions - A recommendation is being proposed on the last section of this paper in the areas that Lao PDR may consider adopting in order to make its investment environment becomes more attractive to foreign investors.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.225-241
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• 1988

The purpose of this study is to find the difference between the parents generation and that of the children in the disciplinary methods by means of parental social population variation. With these purpose in mind, the problems have been suggested like following: 1) what are the general differences of between the two generations of parents and children in disciplinary method? 2)What are the general differences of the views between those two generations according to sex? 3) What are the general differences between the parents generation and the child generation according to age? 4) What are the general differences between the parents generation and the child generation according to education level? 5) What are the general differences between the parents generation and the child generation according to income level? In order to solve these problems, questionnaries were distributed on this appendix 374parents (father: 177, mother: 197) who have the children. Questionnaires were compose on "Parents Inventory" of Radke were employs, classfied five measures. To test and verifying the above hypothes, the following five measures. were used. 1) Philosophy of authority (authoritarian vs. democratic) 2) Parental restrition (strict and stubbon vs. democratic) 3) Severity of punishment (severity vs. mildness) 4) Parent-child rapport 9desirable vs. undesirable) 5) Relative responsibility of father and mothehr towards child disciplinary (equal vs. differ) The result of this study is like follows: 1) In general comparison of two generations, tends to be more democratic in the philosophy of authority, more relaxed and easygoing in the parental restroction, more severe in the severity of punishment, and good rapport in the parent-child rapport than grandparents generation and the responsibility of father don't change but that of mother tends to augment in child disciplinary 2) In comparison of two generation according to sex, the mother showed more democratic in the philosophy of authority and closely perceive her parents in the parent-child rapport as compared with the father. 3) In comparison of two generation according to age, the younger parents showed more relaxed attitudes towards the child disciplinary, the perception better relations of their parents in the parent-child rapport. 4) In the comparison of two generations according to education level the more educated parents showed the more relaxed and easygoing attitude towards in the parental restriction. 5) In comparison of two generation according to income, as the parents of large income generally (not always) showed easygoing than their previous generation in the parental restriction, and they perceive that they have a good one in parent-child rapport. This study caused by the some difficult problem required futher investigation on the result of two generations the problems happened in the inner unitary of items. And, it proposed some problems which constitutes the problems of the proper interpretation of the results between two generations brought about discordance of items between tow generations

• Journal of Species Research
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.63-78
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• 2014

32 mite species are listed from the Korean Peninsula. One species belongs to the order Prostigmata, family Cryptognathidae, the order Mesostigmata has 20 species and the order Oribatida contains 11 species. Four species from the listed 32 are new for the fauna of the Korean Peninsula, one species belongs to the order Prostigmata (Favognathus maritimus (Shiba, 1969)) and three new species are Oribatida [Camisia biurus (Koch, 1839), Camisia biverrucata (Koch, 1839), Camisia horrida (Hermann, 1804)]. The 28 of the found species are collected in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea; the others were collected in the area of Republic of Korea. Illustrations and short descriptions about the newly found and rarely collected species are given.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

이 글의 목적은 미얀마 민간정부의 정치발전 양상을 결손민주주의 개념에서 분석하고, 정치발전을 지체 또는 정체시킨 주체들과 주체들 간의 상관관계를 규명하는 것이다. 나아가 이 글에서는 현재와 같은 정치구도와 행태를 돌파하여 긍정적인 정치발전을 위해 요구되는 과제를 제시하고자 한다. 2016년 민간정부가 출범했으나 권력 행사와 의사결정구조에 있어서 정부의 행동 양식은 군부 권위주의의 행태를 탈피하지 못함으로써 긍정적인 정치발전의 성과를 달성하지 못했다. 정부 차원에서 특정 인물 1인이 모든 권력을 장악하고 각 권력기관에 대한 수평적 책임을 지지 않으므로 위임민주주의와 후견민주주의가 강화된다. 국방과 치안에서 지분을 장악한 군부는 버마족 중심의 배타적 민주주의와 군부가 제정한 비민주적 헌법을 수호하며 비자유적 민주주의를 추구한다. 결손민주주의가 나타나는 근본적인 원인은 장기간 군부통치로 인해 민주적 제도를 운영할 집단의 부재, 민간에 의한 군부통제라는 민간우위의 원칙을 지킬 수 없는 권력구도의 한계로 요약된다. 따라서 미얀마 정치발전의 과제는 군부의 병영 복귀와 권위주의적 질서에 길들여진 민간정부의 권력구도와 정치행태를 민주적으로 전환하는 것이다.

• 이베로아메리카
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

아르헨티나 보수 개신교의 정치 참여를 다루는 이 글은 이러한 정치 참여가 민주주의적 가치나 질서에 미치는 영향에 살펴보고자 했다. 특히 종교적 평등과 자유, 그리고 동성 결혼과 성 교육 문제를 둘러싼, 오순절을 포함한 보수 개신교계의 움직임에 초점을 맞췄다. 먼저 식민지 시대와 군사정권의 종교차별적인 정책을 바로잡아 모든 종교의 동등한 대우를 주장했던 개신교 측의 요구는 정치적 평등과 인권 존중을 골자로 하는 민주적인 사회를 전제한다면 지극히 당연하고 자명한 것이고, 아르헨티나 사회의 묵은 과제의 해결을 지향한 것으로 사회의 민주화에 일조했다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 동성 결혼과 성교육 문제와 관련해 보면 사뭇 다르다. 사회적 약자나 소수자의 상황이나 이들의 권익을 옹호하려는 입법 취지에 고려 없이, 개신교 내부에서조차 그 해석을 둘러싸고 이견을 보이는, 경전의 가르침이나 그에 기반을 둔 윤리만을 고집한다. 이러한 신정주의적 관점과 배타주의적 태도는 무엇보다도 다른 종교나 생각을 가진 사람들, 결혼이나 성에 대한 다른 선택을 하거나 다른 생각을 갖고 있는 사람들의 인권이나 자유를 심각하게 침해할 수 있어, 다원성에 기반을 둔 민주적 질서와 가치에 심각한 위협이 될 수 있다.

• 의정연구
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

2021년 4.7 재보궐 선거에서 여당인 더불어민주당은 최근의 선거에서 확인된 탈 중간평가적 성격의 흐름을 깨고 기록적인 참패를 당했다. 왜 더불어민주당은 최근 선거의 흐름과 달리 큰 점수 차의 패배를 당한 것일까? 본 연구는 이러한 물음에 대한 답을 찾기 위해 4.7 재보궐 선거 이후 실시한 유권자 의식 조사 자료를 바탕으로 개별 유권자의 투표행태를 분석하는 한편으로 그와 같은 유권자 선택을 초래한 배경과 원인이 무엇인지를 살펴본다. 연구 결과, 4.7 재보궐 선거에서는 선행연구에서 확인된 바와 마찬가지로 정부여당에 대한 심판 여론이 강하게 나타났으며, 네거티브 선거가 전개되었다. 그러나 이번 재보궐 선거의 과정과 결과를 보다 구체적으로 살펴보면 일반적인 재보궐 선거와는 다른 모습이 확인된다. 과거 재보궐 선거에서 정권심판은 정치적 비중이 낮은 선거에서 여당 성향 유권자의 소극적인 참여나 정치적 부담이 덜한 상황에서 더욱 극대화되어 나타나는 적극적인 심판 심리에 기인했다. 그러나 이번 재보궐 선거에서는 이와는 반대로 정치적 비중이 높은 선거에서 더불어민주당 성향 유권자와 무당파 유권자의 적극적인 심판 심리가 선거의 중간평가적 성격을 강화하는 쪽으로 영향을 미쳤다. 아울러 야당을 지지하는 보수 성향 유권자의 결집 역시 선거의 중간평가적 성격 강화에 강한 영향을 미쳤음을 알 수 있다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.59-85
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• 2019

The Hong Kong's Anti-Ordinance Amendment Movement is the most serious radical social movement since the 1997 return, which has served as the promotion of the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and broken through the violence baseline. The movement came from a criminal case committed in Taiwan,which gave a good reason and motivation for the HK government to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. The HK government has responded to the protests by strictly limiting the legal scope and transfer procedure, even giving up the legislative motion. But the protests still say no and develop into the constantly violent activities. Many of the protests have committed the crimes in HK laws,part of whom have been arrested,prosecuted and under judicially judged. It is necessary for the offenders to be punished to protect the authority of rule of law in HK. Two different paths for HK have fought against each other since the 1997 return: one is the "democratic-welfare" path taken by the Pan-Democratic Camp, the other is the "Legal-development" path taken by the Pan-Establishment Camp. The second path shares some nuclear characteristics of the so-called The China Model mainly shaped from the 40-years Reforms and Openness. However, the HK people can't understand the China Model very well and show great fear and distrust on the judicial system of Mainland China. The foreign powers such as US and UK have illegally interfered the HK issues which are deemed to be the domestic affairs of China. The so-called Sino-UK Joint Declaration can't serve as the legal basis for the interference. Taiwan, as a part of China, also plays a negative role in this movement for its electoral and political interest. Up to now, the movement has gone down and the HK government has the legal capacity to solve the problems under the supports from the central government and the HK people. The HK people love its rule of law and order under the constitutional framework of One Country Two System. After the movement,One Country Two Systems will be go on, and the integrated development under the policies of the central government will be the main stream. However, the relevant problems exposed by this movement muse be checked and solved legally and strictly,especially concerning the social inequality and youth development.