• Journal of architectural history
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.101-122
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• 1994

This paper is one of the sequels from 'A Survey of Villages and Dwellings of Korean Immigrants in the North-Eastern Part of China'. It is the result of the extensive survey of Ch'ang-ts'ai-tsun village and covers several architectural characteristics of the dwellings. This paper alma to identify the 'double file' dwelling type, which is believed as one of the main stream of Korean folk dwelling. In this type, 'Chung-ju-kan' forms the central open space, where main household functions are carried out. This type originates from climatic reasons and functional reasons as well. This paper also aims to clarify how the dwelling forms are changed according to the life styles of various periods. The Korean immigrants in this village have experienced rapid changes in modern times like other Chinese. Through various political movements, the original dwelling type of this village has changed to adapt various needs and functions, which shows the simple truth : dwelling form changes according to the changes of life style and social structure. In this paper the directions of chimney through various periods are analyzed to verify the differences of the house layout methods and concepts of the time. The village had grown through 3 main periods before liberation period(1946), communization period(1946 - 1966) and contemporary period (1967 - ). It is concluded as follows: 1. The village was originated in late 19th century along the east-west street, which was a major routes of Korean Immigrants to China. In this area there was no regularity in its site plan. The direction of chimney, which was usually westward, was not determined according to the location of gate. This type was kept until liberization of this area, 1946. The plans of dwellings followed Ham-kyong-do 'double file' dwelling type, '6-kan dwelling' or '8-kan dwelling'. 2. The 'New Village' area, which was formed in the communization period, has a strict regularity in its site plan. The direction of chimney was determined as opposite direction of the gate. This method was maintained until 1976, when Mao died and new 'open' policy was held by Chinese government. In this area the 'dwelling house' plan type was not changed, but its layout and size were restricted. The general form of the dwelling in this village was shaped in this period. 3. The contemporary dwellings were built in random site location. The dwelling type was changed because of the reduction of family size and the permissin of private ownership. The number of rooms was reduced but the storage rooms and domestic animal hutches were added. But the 'Chung-ju-kan', the major chacteristics of north-eastern Korea dwelling is still kept. It becomes one large 'Chtin-ju-kan' room like 'open plan' type.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.17-26
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• 2020

The planning acumen led by the crown prince stands out during the banquets that were held continually during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung around the late Joseon period from 1827 to 1929. If we examine the changes in banquet space during the period that Crown Prince Hyomyung ruled by proxy, the Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿) in Changgyeonggung Palace, which was built during the time of King Jeongjo was repaired after the in 1827 during the reign of the crown prince and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. It is believed that the Jagyeongjeonwas expanded and repaired during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung to conduct banquets for important guests. Jagyeongjeon which was repaired during the crown prince's reign, is a space where banquets were continuously held during the three years that he reigned, and we can see that it is an important space for royalty where the authority of King Sunjo, Queen Sunwon, and Crown Prince Hyomyung was reflected. Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂) was a structure built in 1828, which is after the period when the Jagyeongjeonwas changed in 1827, and it is a space that emerged during the reign of the crown prince. Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭), which was constructed during the time of King Seongjong was changed after 1827 during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. Hwanchwijeongwas the place where the Crown Prince Hyomyung stayed and planned banquets and it was repaired along with Jagyeongjeonin 1827. During his reign, the political intent of the crown prince was reflected not in superficial political spaces but in spaces where banquets were held and accordingly the main spaces for banquets and their related royal palace locations were changed or newly established. You need to briefly explain what this and Muja Jinjak are. New information is not provided in this paragraph. You have already established why the crown prince renovated the banquets and its significance in the first two paragraphs. You could just add "Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿), Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂), and Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭) in Changgyeonggung Palace during his reign were changed and renovated during the time when the royal banquets of the 19th century were getting established. It was spaces that reflected the royal family and royal authority" to the end of the second paragraph and it would convey your intended meaning.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.157-165
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• 2009

This study intends to discuss the efficient stage costume design that uses costume-rentals and production method as a realistic alternative for production of stage costume of low budget performance. Directly participating in the costume design and production of the performance , this researcher applied the methodology of corroborative study on the basis of production process and results by referring to the papers and literature published by academic society for the theory necessary for study. Centering around the western costume in the stage costumes of , the scope of study was the costume of Paris, France prevalent at the end of the 19th century which is epochal background of performance. In spite of its merit of reducing production charge and production in the low budget performance, costume-rentals is subject to the lack of considering unitγ with other visual factors and limit in reflecting the creativity of costume designer. The following actions shall be taken to solve such problem. First, it is essential to set production direction and plan that meets budget and work concept. Second, it is required to highlight the characteristic factor of the age which is the background of work so as to grant the sense of age and to produce the visual unity of costume by supplementing the costume composition. Third, it is necessary to make large effect with low lost by using costume articles that can express the characteristics of the age. Fourth, it is required to efficiently reflect the transformation of design by minimizing the damage of costume through research on the sewing method and materials as well as creative idea. In this way, the efficient stage costume could be realized in the performance with low budget by approaching costume-rentals in the viewpoint of costume design, transforming it in accordance with work concept and adding the visual factors.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.185-194
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• 2004

This study examined the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect that had given a considerable influence on the modem Korean society since the end of 19th century through the field study and the review of documents. The purpose of the study was to elucidate how their religious ideas were reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteristics these costumes had. The results were as follows: 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or the names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs through their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups had common characteristics of the times, Korean tradition and ancestor worship. 3. All the ceremonial costumes symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion in their names, designs, and colors. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, and of the headpieces such as Sky-Crown, Lotus-Crown, Ceremony-Crown, and Sevenfold-Crown, for instance, were related with Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common design of costume was consisted of traditional hanbok and some type of headpiece and robe for men, and hanbok modified to Western-style for women. Most sects adopted hanbok as their ceremonial costume, but they tend to simplify its design. The color scheme of the costumes reflected the influence of the Yul-Yang and Five Elements idea but the colors varied depending on seasons and occasions to suit their creeds and philosophy. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbol, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various elements of traditional Korean outfits and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.34
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• pp.129-165
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• 2014

K-pop performances are in the center of the contemporary popular arts and cultural industry, and implicitly reveal the way that our society views the body and the time-space. This paper explores the motif of automaton in the K-pop idol group ShiNee's stage performance of 'Everybody' and the song's music video. At the same time, the paper relates the motif with the automaton of the digital era-that is, the sense of time-space in digital animations. The motif of the automaton has its origins in the mythical forms related to the animation, and is related to the human desire to create humanlike forms. Also, this motif is closely linked to the aesthetical meaning of the animation, being played in different variations since the beginning of the animation. This paper explores the tradition of automaton motif in culture and the arts, and look into the cases in which the history of the relationship between the media and body performance harboring the automaton motif has been displayed in 19th century ballet or modern body expressional arts. In addition, this paper will compare and analyze representative contemporary works that reveal digital viewpoint and the choreography of 'Everybody', and compare other works that stand in similar aesthetic tradition, investigating the influence of digital animation reflected in the K-pop idol and its aesthetic and social undertones.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.176-187
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• 2007

Buddhist paintings in the late Joseon dynasty are characterized by diversification and subdivision of subject matters. Buddhist paintings rapidly declined since 19th century, being miniaturized and showing complicated composition. Figures that identified the shape of shoes in Buddhist paintings of late Joseon dynasty included sacheonwang that were placed in the left and right bottom of Buddhist paintings, sinjung, gwiwang and pan-gwan of siwangtaeng. Sacheonwang, an Indian folk god, was depicted as a noble person in "ahamgyeong", an early sutra, but was depicted as an armored warrior in Mahayana Buddhism world. The style of shoes sacheonwang in Korea were different depending on the times. The shoes of the sacheonwang sculpture in Seogguram of Shilla dynasty are sandal type. The sacheonwang that was drawn on Jijangbosaldo in Goryeo dynasty wears non-showy armor and red yi(履). The sacheonwang that was expressed on Buddhist paintings in Joseon dynasty wears showy armor and decorated hwa. Comparing the yi of Goryeo Jijangbosaldo sacheonwang with the yi of Bodhisattva on the Dunhuang yeolbanbyeonsangdo, Jijangbosaldo sacheonwang's shoes are Korean style in which the sole is flat and the front part has no decoration, but in the shoes of Bodhisattva on the Dunhuang yeolbanbyeonsangdo the sole is not flat, the front part is lifted. The style of shoes of pan-gwan, who is depicted on Siwangtaeng, is hwa. However, unlike the decorative hwa of sacheonwang, its front is not lifted and it has no decoration. It is assumed that the shoes of sacheonwang or pan-gwan represented obangsaek based on the idea of eumyang-ohaeng. Depiction of shoes shown in Buddhist paintings reflected the phases of the social life. In addition, the sandals of Shilla sacheonwang implies that sourthern culture in addition to Buddhism was introduced. Having expressed the shoes of Goryeo sacheonwang with conventional yi implies that Buddhism governed the inner world of the people, and the shape and material of the shoes reveals aristocracy. It is assumed that that an armored warrior wore yi, not hwa implies that the then society was stable. Also, it is assumed that that the shoes of sacheonwang on Buddhist paintings in Joseon dynasty were hwa implies that the role of tutelary god was stressed in the disordered society.

• Atmosphere
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.389-400
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• 2013

Chugugi and Wootaeck rainfall data of Gyeonggi Province from 1830 to 1893 were restored from the "Gaksadeungnok" that is the government records between the central government and the local during the Joseon Dynasty. The restored data periods were 27, 10, 9 and 14 years for Kwangju, Suwon, Ganghwa and Gaeseong, and the total number of restored data was 655 for the Chugugi and 427 for the Wootaek, respectively. The variation pattern of monthly rainfall by Chugugi was investigated and it showed that the monthly rainfall more than 300 mm was recorded 25 times with 18 times in July, 5 times in August and 3 times in June. The cases of more than 500 mm were also recorded 8 times with the maximum 787 mm at the Kwangju in July 1862, showing the similar pattern to Seoul. The monthly mean rainfall for the Gyeonggi Province were 259 mm in July, 204 mm in August and 121 mm in June, which were about one third of that of Seoul. The correlation analysis between the Chugugi and Wootaek data was carried out to derive the quantitative values of Wootaek observations. It revealed that 1 'Ri' of Wootaek observation was equal to approximately 1 'Chon (Chugugi unit)' or 20 mm, while 1 'Seo' was very variable between 2 and 6 'Boon (Chugugi unit)' with the median value approximately 3 'Boon' or 6 mm. Recalculated Wootaek data showed that the monthly rainfall in July, August, and June were 289 mm, 154 mm, and 124 mm, respectively. Through this study, some features of the rainfall variation pattern during 1830~1893 were figured out, and quantitative interpretation of Wootaek data became possible based on the restored rainfall data from the "Gaksadeungnok". Though many pages of the book have been lost during the last hundreds years, "Gaksadeungnok" is still very meaningful and of practical use, for it contains plenty of the local data throughout the whole country during the latter part of Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, further studies are strongly recommended on the restoration of climate related data and on the climatic tendency of 19th century of Korean peninsular.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.273-284
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• 2004

This study is on the changing pattern of fish-and-shellfish uses during the last two thirds of Chosun period on the premise that they are influenced by development of fishing technology. With a literary approach, this paper researches how fish-and-shellfish production and consumption pattern changed, especially in relation to technological development of fisheries. First, we examine into the changes of fishery production. And next, we analyze the kind and cooking method of fish-and-shellfish in [Eum-sik-di-mi-bang](1670) and [Gyu-hap-chong-seo](1815). The analysis of two books revealed that there were significant differences in fish-and-shellfish uses. Because the two books were written with a gap of 145 years and the development of fishing technology and remarkable changes of fishery production affected on the fish-and-shellfish uses. Due to primitive fishing tools and skills, fresh-water and reverse-river-fish and shellfish had been caught in substantial amount until the middle ages of Chosun period. As a result, the availability of seafood were limited extremely even in the upper classes. These situations are evidenced by the analysis of [Eum-sik-di-mi-bang]. Only 12 kinds of fish-and-shellfish are described in [Eum-sik-di-mi-bang]. Most of the sesfoods is mollusc which is easy to catch. As for the salt-water fish, dried cod and dried herring were mentioned. Mullet, the reverse-water-fish, is used most frequently. Only one kind of 'Hoe', which needs extreme freshness, is described. This means that the use of fresh fish-and-shellfish was very limited to some kinds which could be caught near the village. As the netting fishery began to be developed in the 18th century, the production of some salt-water fishes, such as anchovy, shrimp, yellow corvina, pollack, and herring, had increased remarkably to make marine resources more available. Small fish, such as anchovy and shrimp were preserved as 'Jeot-gal' and sold nationwide. Therefore, 'Jeot-gal' and seafood could be used in Kimchi around this time and had a deep influence on the change of Kimchi in taste and nutrition. In [Gyu-hap-chong-seo], 33 kinds of fish-and-shellfish are described. Including cod and herring, 17 kinds of sea water fish and mollusc are mentioned. Some of these are consumed in fresh state, neither as dried nor as salted. Because the merchants promoted the transport of seafoods to other regions according to the growth of commercial economy. As a result the diet of the people could be enriched by the various seafoods.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.73-97
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• 2010

Representation of destitution may be considered as an expression of a social desire toward forging a bond or solidarity with the impoverished. However, political and ethical demands of the solidarity force the formulaic framework structuring the form of representation to its limits. The thesis aims to examine the responses to such demands within the tradition of modernist literature that can be traced from Charles Baudelaire, Knut Hamsun to Franz Kafka and that somehow culminates with Samuel Beckett, and to analyze how the issue of destitution that weaves through Beckett's works criticizes and inherits such a heritage. Whereas destitution in 19th century Realism is structurally fixed and its potential for change is inherently excluded, for these writers, destitution is no longer the state of rigid reality in which any possibility is limited. It is destitution as an imperative that calls for exploitation of possibilities that can be recuperated from the impoverished condition of destitution. What these writers consistently resist against is destitution that leads to compensation and reward. Since occupying a superior position toward the other as the subject of description or sympathy can be seen as one form of profit or reward, they have persistently pursued absolute solitariness and austere conditions rather than prematurely simulating a sense of solidarity and community. The ultimate goal of destitution as an imperative is to pursue destitution in order to worsen it by identifying and then excluding and expending possessions and assets to a state of penury. This is a paradoxical process that opens up the realm of possibilities of destitution and redefines it as abundance and wealth. Destitution for Beckett as seen in the writers above is the objective of literature. But, what he focuses on is to amplify the shreds of economic world that still remain in a state of poverty and to reveal extreme poverty as a state of odd affluence and to transform it into a pursuit of accumulation and profit. One of his famous axioms, "less is more", contains the essence of such a paradoxical strategy. In a sense, such approach is a twist on the strategy that identifies and uses any remaining potential hidden in destitution as was pursued by other writers. It also expands on the imagination of the destitute described by Hamsun. But Hamsun and Beckett are diametrical opposites. Unlike Hamsun, Beckett does not link imagination with a sense of guilt. Imagination is not intended to overcome the destitute reality nor to culminate in artistic martyrdom as in the case of Kafka's hunger artist. The imagination of the impoverished in Beckett is simply a hilarious game and not an escape that ends in a sense of guilt. This game formulates a "rhetorical question" or derision at the ironical situation where the pursuit of hunger and art as the disinterestedness has been turned into symbolic capital. It is inherently a fundamental critique at the aestheticization of destitution that has been pursued by Modernism. Beckett's efforts at divulging falsehood inherent in non-profit acts such as charity, donation and hospitality are dissections of social fictions in which aestheticization of destitution remains a part of the whole.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.7-22
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• 2011

This study primarily aims to illuminate the characteristics of $Meoreum$ in Korean traditional fitting system according to the respective types and its periodical changes. Using the research findings as a chronological indicator by which to estimate the construction date of the building is the secondary purpose. In this study 42 of $Byeoldang$ and pavilion architecture remaining in $Yeongnam$ district were examined through the field surveys and methods of documentary research. The research results are as follows. First, $Meoreum$, which is located below the windows or doors, provides protection against the outer wind and has the function to prevent some warm air of the room from flowing outside. Second, $Meoreum$ was recorded as $Yoeum$(了音), $Woneum$(遠音), and $Maleum$(末音) in $Yeong-geon-ui-gwe$(營建儀軌) of Joseon period. While $Yoeum$(了音) was used in $Yeong-geon-ui-gwe$(營建儀軌) of 1776 and 1856, $Woneum$(遠音) had been also used continuously since the year of 1800. The word, $Maleum$(末音) can be seen in $Lim-won-gyeong-je-ji$(林園經濟志), published in 1827. $Woneum$(遠音) and $Maleum$(末音) seem to be the $Yi-du$(吏讀) types of expression of $Meoreum$ which is being extensively used now. Third, the kinds of $Meoreum$ can be classified as $TohMeoreum$, $TongMeoreum$, $TongpanMeoreum$, and $JjaneunMeoreum$. $TongMeoreum$ and $TohMeoreum$ were mostly used at the front part of $Ondol-rooms$, the backside of main floor called $Daechung$(大廳), and at the space between $Daechung$ and rooms in the Pavilions and $Byeoldangs$(Annexes) that had been built in the early Joseon dynasty. $TohMeoreum$ was usually used at the bottom parts of windows between $Daechung$ and $Ondol-rooms$. $TongpanMeoreum$ was mainly used in the mid-Joseon period and relatively high height was the distinctive feature of $Meoreum$ at that time. $Jjaneun$ $Meoreum$, used mainly in the late Joseon dynasty, has become lower and lower gradually in height since 19th century, so people could enter the room through the windows(fittings). Such changes in $Meoreums$ types has brought about the flow of human traffic directly from $Toenmaru$, narrow wooden porch running along the outside of a room to $Ondol-rooms$.