• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.99-142
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• 2012

Withe increased North Korea's security threats, the South Korean navy has been faced with deteriorating security environment. While North Korea has increased asymmetric forces in the maritime and underwater with the development of nuclear weapons, and China and Japan have made a large investment in the buildup of naval forces, the power of the Pacific fleet of the US, a key ally is expected to be weakened. The biggest threat comes from China's intervention in case of full-scale war with North Korea, but low-density conflict issues are also serious problems. North Korea has violated the Armistice Agreement 2,660 times since the end of Korean War, among which the number of marine provocations reaches 1,430 times, and the tension over the NLL issue has been intensifying. With tension mounting between Korea and Japan over the Dokdo issue and conflict escalating with China over Ieo do Islet, the US Navy has confronted situation where it cannot fully concentrate on the security of the Korean peninsula, which leads to need for strengthening of South Korea's naval forces. Let's look at naval forces of neighboring countries. North Korea is threatening South Korean navy with its increased asymmetric forces, including submarines. China has achieved the remarkable development of naval forces since the promotion of 3-step plan to strengthen naval power from 1989, and it now retains highly modernized naval forces. Japan makes an investment in the construction of stat of the art warship every year. Since Japan's warship boasts of its advanced performance, Japan's Maritime Self Defense Force is evaluated the second most powerful behind the US Navy on the assumption that submarine power is not included in the naval forces. In this situation, naval power construction of South Korean navy should be done in phases, focusing on the followings; First, military strength to repel the energy warship quickly without any damage in case of battle with North Korea needs to be secured. Second, it is necessary to develop abilities to discourage the use of nuclear weapons of North Korea and attack its nuclear facilities in case of emergency. Third, construction of military power to suppress armed provocations from China and Japan is required. Based on the above naval power construction methods, the direction of power construction is suggested as follows. The sea fleet needs to build up its war potential to defeat the naval forces of North Korea quickly and participate in anti-submarine operations in response to North Korea's provocations. The task fleet should be composed of 3 task flotilla and retain the power to support the sea fleet and suppress the occurrence of maritime disputes with neighboring countries. In addition, it is necessary to expand submarine power, a high value power asset in preparation for establishment of submarine headquarters in 2015, develop anti-submarine helicopter and load SLAM-ER missile onto P-3C patrol aircraft. In case of maine corps, division class military force should be able to conduct landing operations. It takes more than 10 years to construct a new warship. Accordingly, it is necessary to establish plans for naval power construction carefully in consideration of reality and future. For the naval forces to safeguard maritime sovereignty and contribute to national security, the acquisition of a huge budget and buildup of military power is required. In this regard, enhancement of naval power can be achieved only through national, political and military understanding and agreement. It is necessary to let the nation know that modern naval forces with improved weapon system can serve as comprehensive armed forces to secure the command of the sea, perform defense of territory and territorial sky and attack the enemy's strategic facilities and budget inputted in the naval forces is the essential source for early end of the war and minimization of damage to the people. If the naval power construction is not realized, we can be faced with a national disgrace of usurpation of national sovereignty of 100 years ago. Accordingly, the strengthening of naval forces must be realized.

• Proceedings of KOSOMES biannual meeting
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• 2006.11a
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• pp.175-179
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• 2006

With the rapid development of oil and chemical industry in the late 20C, massive transportation of oil by oil tanker vessel has grown and it caused the big oil pollution accidents. When oil spill from the oil tanker, damages reach into the astronomical figures in economically and damages affect wide area and many people with break the balance of ecosystem. Recently in Korea, the oil pollution accidents has occurred frequently as growing of oil consumption and it caused large-scale damages to the victim. Oil pollution in Korean offshore takes not only korean fishermen from their life ground and break the ecosystem but it takes too much time and money to recover. To minimize oil pollution damages, it is necessary to make pre-caution effort as a ship owner and relevant government bodies should endeavor to prevent from more damages. But once oil pollution accidents occurs in territorial sea, compensation for victim fishermen is very important. But it is true that compensation is not paid to victim smoothly. So this study aims at the problems of oil pollution compensation to the Korean victim and find the best way to get reasonable compensation.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.32
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• pp.95-122
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• 2012

The ocean in the 21st century is getting emphasized as a treasury of natural resources and a growth engine for the nation. And nations around the world have entered into the hyper-competition to take the initiative for those marine resources. Under the situation, the Korea Coast Guard is devoting itself with full force to protecting maritime sovereignty, ensuring maritime safety and security and preserving the marine environment. Purpose of this study is to analyze Maritime Policing Act of 2012 and their problems and to suggest improvement measures. Objectives of Maritime Policing Act of 2012 is national Defence, policing for maritime security, protection of marine natural resources and marine facility in territorial waters and exclusive economic zone(EEZ) of Korea. Limits of Maritime Policing Act of 2012 are as follows. First, As organization related rules in Maritime Policing Act of 2012 are not enough, Maritime police agency Act should be revised and enacted in order to cope with future administrative demands and legal ground. Second, Article 22 penal regulation is more severe than regulations of another Act. Third, Article 14 should be made improvement for pre-prevention through the pre-report and the establishment of prohibition boundary in maritime demonstration.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.277-295
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• 2016

It is undoubtedly true that national security in Korean peninsula is on the road to destabilization. The main factors are known to be North Korea's development and experiment on nuclear arms, especially the forth nuclear experiment on January 6th, ICBM launch February 7th, and encroachment upon the territory the NLL on the 8th along with the shutdown on Gaeseong Industrial Complex. Also, China's trouble with other nations over sovereignty over islands in the South China Sea and the fact that Japan's government is veering to the right side and having territorial dispute are making the case worse. Nations in Northeast Asia are striving to obtain the interest for the sake of their own country. In order to do so, they're walking the path to achieve national security. Until then, they are not so willing to participate foreign matters or economical race. Even in our perspective, these issues are many of the main problems which our country is currently facing. However, it is important for them to avoid making policies which may take away the citizen's happiness. The number one priority for the nation or any form of a group is to act in the best interest for the national security and the citizen's happiness. They are the main factors why a nation could exist. They are the symbols of a nation's sovereign authority. Countries outside are proving it by increasing their national defense budget even in this unprecedented economical crisis. If we are willing to stay the same as ever, the disparity in the military force will not be the same in the future. In conclusion, the study examines the problem which changes in Northeast Asia's defense environment could bring and the appropriate amount of national defense budget in order to support the nation's integration of its abilities to move toward South and North Korea's unification.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.105-112
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• 2018

South Korea and Vietnam have been engaged in extensive political, economic and cultural exchanges since the establishment of diplomaticties in 1992. In March 2018, Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, made an official visit to Vietnam, a key partner of the New Southern Policy and discussed comprehensive cooperation measures, including expanding trade volume and measures to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. At the defense ministers' meeting held in April 2018, the two countries signed a joint defense and defense cooperation statement, which included promotion of maritime security, defense cooperation, UN PKO activities, excavation of remains, and joint military cooperation. Currently, Vietnam is facing territorial disputes with China over the South China Sea, and is stepping up military modernization and military buildup to counter this. In particular, Vietnam is strengthening its external military cooperation beyond ideology with the U.S., Russia, India and France to strengthen its maritime power. Against this backdrop, the bilateral cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam needs to expand beyond the traditional economic and cultural exchanges to military cooperation. The study aims to review the relationship between South Korea and Vietnam on the 26th anniversary of the normalization of diplomaticties and seek ways to develop military cooperation with Vietnam, which has grown to the next China. To that end, it analyzed Vietnam's security environment and military strategy and presented strategies for promoting military cooperation focusing on defense areas.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.254-261
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• 2022

Every vessel shall proceed at a safe speed to avoid collision. Additionally, every vessel shall comply with the speed limit rules in the territorial water and internal waters of Korea. The VTS operator shall properly control the compliance of the vessel with the safe speed and speed limit rules. Safe speed under the COLREG 1972 is not explicitly stipulated in knots. However, under the Domestic law for traffic safety-specific sea areas, etc., the speed limit is specified in knots and complied with. This speed limit rule is mainly based on the 'speed made good over the ground'; however, in some places, it is based on the 'speed making way through the water'. In this paper, I analyzed marine accidents that occurred in the past 5 years and the rate of violation of speed limits. Furthermore, I reviewed safe speed under the COLREG 1972, speed limit rules under domestic and foreign laws, and cases of non-compliance with safe speed in the judgment of the Korea Maritime Safety Tribunal. Resultantly, I suggested in this paper that the speed limit rules in the domestic law must be observed by vessels to prevent marine accidents, and the rules which are stipulated in terms of 'speed making way through the water' must be revised as 'speed made good over the ground' such that the vessels can easily comply with them and the VTS operator can control the vessel properly.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.189-217
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• 2017

Declaration of Air Defense and Identification Zones started with the United States in 1950, which was followed by declaration of KADIZ by the Republic of Korea in 1951. Initial ADIZ were solely linked with air defense missions, but their roles have changed as nations around the globe manifested a tendency to expand their influence over maritime resources and rights. In particular, China declared ADIZ over the East China Sea in October 2013 and forced all passing aircraft to submit flight plan to ATC or military authority, saying failure of submission will be followed by armed engagement. China announced it would declare another zone over the South China Sea despite the ongoing conflict in the area, clearly showing ADIZ's direct connection with territorial claim and EEZ and that it serves as a zone within which a nation can execute its rights. The expanded KADIZ, which was expanded in Dec 15, 2013 in response to Chinese actions, overlaps with the Chinese ADIZ over the East China Sea and the Japanese ADIZ. The overlapping zone is an airspace over waters where not only the Republic of Korea but also of China and Japan argue to be covering their continental shelf and EEZ. Military conventions were signed to prevent contingencies among the neighboring nations while conducting identifications in KADIZ, including the overlapping zone. If such military conventions and practice of air defense identification continue to be respected among states, it is under the process of turning into a regional customary law, although ADIZ is not yet recognized by international law or customary law. Moreover, identification within ADIZ is carried out by military authorities of states, and misguided customary procedures may cause serious negative consequences for national security since it may negatively impact neighboring countries in marking the maritime border, which calls for formulation of operation rules that account for other state activities and military talks among regional stake holders. Legal frameworks need to be in place to guarantee freedom of flights over international seas which UN Maritime Law protects, and laws regarding military aircraft operation need to be supplemented to not make it a requirement to submit flight plan if the aircraft does not invade sovereign airspace. Organizational instructions that require approval of Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff for entrance and exit of ADIZ for military aircraft need to be amended to change the authority to Minister of National Defense or be promoted to a law to be applicable for commercial aircraft. Moreover, in regards to operation and management of ADIZ, transfer of authority should be prohibited to account for its evolution into a regional customary law in South East Asia. In particular, since ADIZ is set over EEZ, military conventions that yield authority related to national security should never be condoned. Among Korea, China, Japan and Russia, there are military conventions that discuss operation and management of ADIZ in place or under negotiation, meaning that ADIZ is becoming a regional customary law in North East Asia region.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-30
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• 2011

According to the Article 86 of the United Nations on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS) the provisions of high seas apply to all parts of the sea that are not included in the exclusive economic zone, in the territorial sea or in the internal waters of a State, or in the archipelagic waters of an archipelagic State. Article 87 also stipulates the freedom of the high seas. International laws on the flight over the high seas are found as follows; Firstly, as far as the nationality of the aircraft is concerned, its legal status is quite different from the ship where the flags of convenience can be applied practically. There is no flags of convenience of the aircraft. Secondly, according to the Article 95 of UNCLOS warships on the high seas have complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State. We can suppose that the military(or state) aircraft over the high seas have also complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State. Thirdly, according to the Article 101 of UNCLOS piracy consists of any act of voluntary participation in the operation of a ship or of an aircraft with knowledge of facts making it a pirate ship or aircraft. We can conclude that piracy can de done by a pirate aircraft as well as a pirate ship. Fourthly, according to the Article 111 (5) of UNCLOS the right of hot pursuit may be exercised only by warships or military aircraft, or other ships or aircraft clearly marked and identifiable as being on government service and authorized to that effect. We can conclude that the right of hot pursuit may be exercised only military aircraft, or aircraft clearly marked and identifiable as being on government service and authorized to that effect. Fifthly, according to the Article 110 of UNCLOS a warship which encounters on the high seas a foreign ship, is not justified in boarding it unless there is reasonable ground for suspecting that: (a) the ship is engaged in piracy, (b) the ship is engaged in the slave trade, (c) the ship is engaged in an authorized broadcasting and the flag State of the warship has jurisdiction under article 109, (d) the ship is without nationality, or (e) though flying a foreign flag or refusing to show its flag, the ship is, in reality, of the same nationality as the warship. These provisions apply mutatis mutandis to military aircraft. Sixthly, according to the Article 1 (5)(dumping), 212(pollution from or through the atmosphere), 222(enforcement with respect to pollution from or through the atmosphere) of UNCLOS aircraft as well as ship is very much related to marine pollution. Seventhly, as far as the crime on board aircraft over the high seas is concerned 1963 Convention on the Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft(Tokyo Convention) will be applied, and as for the hijacking over the high seas 1970 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft(Hague Convention) and as for the sabotage over the high seas 1971 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation(Montreal Convention) will be applied respectively. These three conventions recognize the flag state jurisdiction over the crimes on board aircraft over the high seas. Eightly, as far as reconnaissance by foreign aircraft in the high seas toward the coastal States is concerned it is not illegal in terms of international law because its act is done in the high seas. Ninthly as for Air Defence Identification Zone(ADIZ) there are no articles dealing with it in the 1944 Chicago Convention. The legal status of the foreign aircraft over this sea zone might be restricted to the regulations of the coastal states whether this zone is legitimate or illegal. Lastly, the Arctic Sea is the frozen ocean. So the flight over that ocean is the same over the high seas. Because of the climate change the Arctic Sea is getting melted. If the coastal states of the Arctic Sea will proclaim the Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) as the ocean is getting melted, the freedom of flight over that ocean will also be restricted to the regulations of the coastal states.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.719-730
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• 2017

Recently, oceanic research has been carried out investigating global scientific interests and the territorial management of national marine jurisdictional waters, including exclusive economic zones (EEZ) and the open seas. To meet the needs of ocean researchers pursuing these - objectives, acquiring advanced research infrastructure, including research vessels, large facilities, and equipment, is a top priority in ocean science. However, ocean science is a similar to space science, and securing resources and state-of-the-art technology can be expensive. Faced with these challenges, our study focused on establishing a strategy for the efficient operation and management of research vessels, attempting to establish benchmarks from foreign examples that can be adapted to suit the target context. The results of this study provide ways to identify operating systems that could increase the efficiency of joint-use research vessels. The different systems examined in this study included a joint-use committee-based management system (JCMS, Type 1), private enterprise entrusted operating system (PEOS, Type 2), institutional investment operating system (IIOS, Type 3), and commissioned executive operating system (CEOS, Type 4). The efficiencies of JCMS, PEOS, IIOS and CEOS were 9.17, 5.82, 11.2 and -1.72 %, respectively. Given the total costs involved, the most affordable operating system was IIOS. JCMS was the most cost-effective system based on a quantitative cost-benefit analysis, but IIOS also had an acceptable cost-benefit balance. An operational committee would be required and regulations and guidelines shoulde be established to employ, JCMS, while a strategy to yield independent revenue would be needed to utilize an IIOS system.

• Maritime Security
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-56
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• 2022

Why has India become a key actor in the maritime-configured Indo-Pacific region? There are some external factors, but for India, its geo-strategic frontier encompassing its geopolitical and maritime interests is expanding rapidly beyond its territorial space across both the Indian and Pacific oceans amidst an increasingly arduous geopolitical and security environment. India must, therefore, acquire the ability to influence events within this strategic arena using all facets of national power, including maritime-military power. Lately, therefore, New Delhi has invested much intellectual capital to review its maritime-security strategy. India's new strategy is premised on the concept of holistic security involving the 'softer' aspects of maritime-security, and a rekindling of maritime consciousness in India, a nation that has traditionally been beset by 'sea-blindness'. The strategy adopts a region-wide, inclusive, and a more proactive approach than hitherto, as is evident in its title 'Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy'. While it deals with the growing concern of new non-traditional threats in the Indian littoral and the need for military deterrence and preparedness, it also addresses the imperatives for India to seek a favorable and rules-based benign environment in its immediate and extended maritime periphery, including through multi-vectored strategic partnerships dictated by its enduring principle of strategic autonomy. For a more profound and comprehensive understanding of India's maritime-security strategy, this paper examines the key unstated and implicit factors that underpin the strategy. These include India's historical and cultural evolution as a nation; its strategic geography; its geopolitical and security perceptions; and the political directions to its security forces. The paper deals specifically with India's response to maritime threats ranging from natural disasters, crime and state-sponsored terrorism to those posed by Pakistan and China, as well as the Indian Navy's envisaged security role East of the Malacca Straits. It also analyzes the aspects of organizational restructuring and force planning of India's maritime-security forces.