• Title/Summary/Keyword: taboos

Search Result 34, Processing Time 0.016 seconds

Korean Traditional "SIMMEMANI (Wild Ginseng Expert Digger)" Culture (한국 전통 심메마니 문화에 대하여)

  • Koh, Seungtae
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
    • /
    • v.4
    • /
    • pp.59-102
    • /
    • 2022
  • Since there were only few countries that could find wild ginseng grown in nature, the culture of digging wild ginseng was only developed in a small number of countries. In a time when the orthodox head-Simmemani has disappeared, the tangible and intangible culture of Simmemani (wild ginseng digger) is disappearing more and more with the passage of time. So far, the conducted research on wild ginseng diggers was very partial and simplistic as follows: ① Research on the argot of Simmemani, ② Research on the customs of Simmemani, ③ Research on the change of customs of Simmemani, ④ Additional records through interview with Simmemani. Accordingly, no comprehensive study on the Simmemani culture has been done yet. This study supplements the historical materials that were not reflected in previous studies, and discuss on diverse subjects including the definition and classification of wild ginseng, the distribution of wild ginseng and Simmemani, interpretation of wild ginseng digging from a legal and social point of view, the organization responsible for the digging, determination of the date of entering the mountain, preparations, taboos, departure and entry into a mountain, religious events, psalmbook, dream interpretation, search and discovery of wild ginseng, digging, profit sharing, the amount of harvested wild ginseng, and the price of wild ginseng. In addition, Korean wild ginseng digging culture was comprehensively studied by attaching the photos and illustrations of historical documents with the psalmbook of the head-Simmemani.

The Study on the Application for Christian Education by Nashim, Jewish Mishna (유대교 미쉬나 나쉼(Nashim)의 기독교교육을 위한 적용 방안)

  • Jang-Heum Ok
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
    • /
    • v.72
    • /
    • pp.71-96
    • /
    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the origins and texts of Judaism Mishnah Nashim, to think from the educational theological perspective, to suggest a method to be applied to Christian education, and to analyze human rights issues in relation to women's marriage life. To achieve the goal of this study is first, to analyze the historical process up to the compilation of Mishna Nashim in order to analyze the origin and text of Mishna Nashim, and then, the seven Masekcotts were analyzed from the perspective of the researcher by dividing them into marriage-related civil law, divorce-related civil law, engagement-related civil law, adultery-related civil law, and vow and pledges related civil law in order to analyze the content of the text of Mishna Nashim. Second, in order to analyze Mishna Nashim in educational theology, marriage laws were analyzed by dividing them into brother-in-law marriage system, chastity system of marriage, divorce law, engagement law, adultery law, and vow and pledge law. Third, to apply Mishna Nashim to Christian education, marriage life education were divided into marriage education and divorce education, vow education and pledge education. The conclusion of this study is as follows. First, marriage education is necessary to establish a Christian family. Second, Divorce prevention education is necessary from the Christian point of view. Third, a spiritually healthy vow education must be conducted. Fourth, healthy pledge education is necessary to live as true Christians. As a result, Korean society still has a deep sense of patriarchal authority, and gender equality is still lagging behind. Discrimination, disparagement, taboos for divorce and remarriage, and stereotypes about gender roles of women still exist within the church, therefore, Christianity must provide an alternative solutions solutions.

The Joseon Confucian Ruling Class's Records and Visual Media of Suryukjae (Water and Land Ceremony) during the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (조선 15~17세기 수륙재(水陸齋)에 대한 유신(儒臣)의 기록과 시각 매체)

  • Jeong, Myounghee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.53 no.1
    • /
    • pp.184-203
    • /
    • 2020
  • The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

Manbojeonseo(萬寶全書) Geumdoron(琴道論) in the old scores of Joseon(朝鮮) (조선시대 고악보에 나타난 『만보전서(萬寶全書)』의 금도론(琴道論))

  • Choi, Sun-a
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.20
    • /
    • pp.251-307
    • /
    • 2010
  • Manbojeonseo, a kind of an encyclopedia published several times in Ming Ch'ing dynasty, includes useful information for scholars and common people on daily lives. In 1720, Manbojeonseo was first introduced to Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty by the diplomatic corps visiting Ch'ing dynasty, and widely circulated in the society as an useful information magazine or an individual collection of reference book. Since Manbojeonseo includes the systematically-organized contents of Geumdoron(琴道論, a theory of a heptachord), it could provide a useful reference when the Geumdoron was inserted as the contents of old scores. For an instance, Obultan(五不彈), Tangeumsuji(彈琴須知), and Taeeumgibeop(太音紀法) recorded in Hangeumsinbo(韓琴新譜, 1724) clearly acknowledge Manbojeonseo as their common source. In this paper, the order and the contents of Geumdorons from four different Manbojeonseo are compared. At first, the comparative analysis of Manbojeonseo (1610) edited by Seo Giryong(徐企龍) and Manbojeonseo(1612) edited by Yu Jamyeong(劉子明) are carried out focusing on the contents of the Geumdoron, where both Manbojeonseos contain considerable amount of Geumdoron sections. The tables of the contents in both Manbojeonseos are composed of upper and lower levels classified into 4 large divisions for each. While the contents of the upper level is presumably older and focused more on the theory of the cardinal virtues, the contents of the lower one is relatively new and centered more on the skills for the real play of a heptachord(琴), the lyrics and the musical scores composed of Gamjabo(減字譜). Therefore, it could be said that the upper level is metaphysical while the lower level is physical. One of the differences between those two Manbojeonseos lies in the order and the terminology found in the large divisions. In the case of Manbojeonseo(1612), some terms in the large division represent and theoretically group the detailed descriptions in the small divisions such as 5 demands or 7 taboos in the play of the heptachord. In addition, a few lower divisions were newly added or revised in order to enhance the completeness of Geumhangmun(琴學門, study of a heptachord), and the detailed classification was revised and polished to improve the reasonableness. In Manbojeonseo(1614) composed by the same editor as Manbojeonseo(1610), the contents of the Geumdoron become much briefer than those of Manbojeonseo(1610) and Manbojeonseo(1612). In the case of Manbojeonseo(1739), a new type of the Geumdoron is included called Oeumjeongjobo(五音正操譜) while carrying a similarly brief section of the Geumdoron. Finally, the Geumdorons in Manbojeonseo and several old scores are comparatively analyzed. While the Geumbo(琴譜) owned by Gugagwon(國樂院) and Hangeumsinbo contains relatively old Geumdoron, Yuyeji(遊藝志) and Bangsanhanssigeumbo(芳山韓氏琴譜) adopt practical and relatively new Geumdorons different from the former old scores and similar to Manbojeonseo(1739) considering the order and the contents. In particular, the contents of the Geumdoron in Geumheonakbo(琴軒樂譜) is notably unique containing much of the upper and the lower levels of Manbojeonseo(1612), therefore thought to have actively adopted the contents of new Geumdorons.