• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.4
• /
• pp.87-114
• /
• 1981

A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

• The Korean Journal of Quaternary Research
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.63-73
• /
• 2001

In total, 29 $^{14}C$ dates were obtained from Paleolithic sites in the Korean peninsula. If not the dates from the Sorori peat layers, the number will be less than 20. Low boundary of Upper Paleolithic could be estimated by some early of the dates from Blade stone industries. Couple of $^{14}C$ dates indicate that beginning of Upper Paleolithic industries could approach to 40 K BP, but it is premature to establish fine chronology of Upper Paleolithic. Some of the $^{14}C$ dates of microlithic industries probably represent too earlier age than generally thought. Tentatively, the beginning of microlithic industries may go back to an age of slightly older than 20 K BP, as indicated in Janghungri, Sokchangni, Noeundong etc. The obtained $^{14}C$ dates at present are very important for construction of Paleolithic chronology. but it is necessary to accumulate for more $^{14}C$ dates in future along with results from other dating techniques and to reconstruct site formation processes for obtaining objective age of stone industries.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
• /
• v.31 no.2
• /
• pp.121-126
• /
• 1995

Age and growth of stone flounder kareius bicolortus in approaches to Kyongyolbiyolto of Yellow sea were studied by otolith reading of 248 fishes from September 1992 to August 1993. Examination of the ourter margins of the otoliths showed that th hyaline zone as annulus was formed once a year and that its formation was completed at the end of the spawning season(Jan. to Feb.). Growth of the fish was expressed by the von Bertalanffy's equation as Lt=313.7[1-exp{-0.463(t+0.0704)}] for males and Lt=478.6[1-exp{-0.286(t-0.1619)}] for females, where Lt is body length in mm and It is age in years. It was found that growth of males and females differs, with the females showing a higher growth than the males. Growth in body weight was also examined. The oldest fish were seven years old for males and females.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.33
• /
• pp.36-67
• /
• 2000

Square-shaped moated burial precincts(方形周溝墓) can be classified into type I that has bridges only at the comers, type II that has bridges at the comers and sides, type III that has bridges only at the sides, type IV that is surrounded by the moat without bridges, type V that has its sides less than those of type I ~ V by 1 or 2, and type VI that has the round-shaped ground. But the time differences among the types are not known yet. For the burial appliances of square-shaped moated burial precincts, there are stone coffins, pit burials and jar burials. The major burial appliances situated in the mound are stone coffins and pit burials, and jar burials are subsidiary appliances that were buried at the shoulder part of the mound or at precincts. According to the case of Gwanchang-ri KM423, grave mounds, which arc closely related with the burial appliances, were built by heaping up the earth in and around the precinct as low as only enough to protect the burial appliances. Considering the relics unearthed in the burial compartment of KM437, the time when square-shaped moated burial precincts were formed is estimated to be the age when Songguk-ri type earthenware and clay stripes earthenware co-existed. It was the early Iron Age when ironware began to sp read in this country. Emerging first in that age, square-shaped moated burial precincts were presumably formed until around the end of BC or the beginning of AD, when KM404 and KM423, which were unearthed with plain earthenware, grey earthenware and ironware, were formed. When analyzing the form of small-sized graveyards in precincts, the unearthed relics and the locations, the people who formed square-shaped moated burial precincts were considered as those who had a culture comprising clay stripes earthenware, which appears newly in the Songguk-ri type earthenware of native, and ironware, and a settled agricultural society based on paddy fields and labor forces of family units.

• Journal of Oral Medicine and Pain
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.85-99
• /
• 1998

In order to estimate the tooth-age by degree of attrition, the author has studied 605 stone models from 1996 to 1997. All of the attrition were classified and analyzed by 8 degrees. The result were as follows : 1. The degree of attrition in male was higher than that in female for same age group and especially, canine and first premolar showed the most prominent difference in sex. 2. The most severe attrition in posterior teeth was first molar followed by second molar, first premolar and second premolar in decreasing order of sequence. 3. The coefficient of correlation and relation equations by the degree of attrition were obtained.

• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.63-74
• /
• 1980

The purpose of this study is to analyze the width and length changes of the dental arches during the deciduous dentition period. 600 stone models of maxillary and mandibular arches obtained from the children aged 3, 4, or 5 years were under measurement. The results were as follows ; Arch widths and lengths differed with age, sex and arch. 1. * Widths of dental archs increase with age both in males and in females. * Lengths of dental arches decrease with age in females, but remain somewhat stable in males. 2. * The dental arches of males were wider than those of females in both the ant. and the post. section. * The dental arches of males were longer than those of females: ant.arch lengths were almost same, but post. arch lengths were longer in males. 3. * Upper arches were definitely wider and longer than lower arches.

• Journal of Conservation Science
• /
• v.6 no.1 s.7
• /
• pp.31-60
• /
• 1997

Stone-cultural-properties, distributed in Naju, Hwasun and a part of Jangheung, have been investigated and studied on the characteristics, rock weathering and phases in the geological and conservational points of view. The properities involve pagoda and twelve stupas, four stone-buddha, three stone monuments, two stone-lantern, four stone-Jangseung, one and flag-pole. The rocks used are mainly pebble-bearing tuffaceous rocks of the Cretaceous age which are widely distributed in the area. However, granites are also used in some properties. These rocks are strongly influenced by weathering and pervasive moss. The mottled rock surfaces in some properties are in colors due to pervasive moss different. Parts of some cultural properties are broken which results in structurally unstable. Cultural properties in the area are relatively well conserved at the earth consolidated by ramming and by iron fence. However some cultural properties are partly repaired by using other hinds of rock phases which results in different colors in weathered rock surface. For conservation, rock phases, weathered surface colors, and relationships with original parts must be scientifically considered in repairment forward.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.1
• /
• pp.70-99
• /
• 2021

Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

• 보존과학연구
• /
• s.34
• /
• pp.64-81
• /
• 2013

It is not easy to define the priority criteria of the need of conservation treatment for stone cultural heritage, although many of them have been treated and restored over the past decade. This study approached the correlation between damage grade and the need of conservation treatment based on damage diagnosis of stone cultural heritage carried out from 2001 to 2005. The number of Third-graded (from First to Fifth-grade) stone heritage in deterioration was the highest among state-designated stone cultural heritage. The Fourth-graded stone cultural heritage (143 in total) was mostly influenced by high physiochemical deterioration, whereas the Fifth-graded ones (61 in total) was dominantly affected by biological colonization. It was estimated that total 211 stone cultural heritage were treated for conservation and restoration from 2002 to 2011. They were usually cleaned (total 134, 26.1%), joined and consolidated, and maintenance works as shelter construction, drainage installation and surrounding cleaning were carried out for some of them. The number of conservation intervention increased with the high deterioration grade, and the case number of metamorphic and sedimentary rocks. By age, the stone cultural heritage in Three-kingdom Period were treated the most, and other heritage in Unified Shilla, Goryeo and Joseon showed an approximate ratio. The stone cultural heritage fallen in the fifth-grade in deterioration demonstrated the highest ratio, approximately 80% of conservation intervention. These results can be used as preliminary data to define the emergency criteria for conservation intervention policy.

• 한국문화재보존과학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2003.09a
• /
• pp.24-27
• /
• 2003