• 한국환경복원기술학회지
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• 제20권6호
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• pp.161-180
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• 2017

As the competition for securing cross-border biological sovereignty becomes intensified due to the adoption of the Nagoya Protocol, this study analyzed patent trends only for freshwater plants in order to secure national biological sovereignty. As a result, freshwater plants include a total of 68 genera and 128 species, and a total of 60 genera and 3,256 patents were surveyed. Among them, iris was the most industrialized, 14.71% followed by angelica(8.48%) and Mentha(6.94%). However, unconfirmed eight genera (Aneilema, Artemisia Cabomba, Nymphoides, Pistia stratiotes L., Pseudoraphis Griff., Ruppia) are not patented freshwater plants and it is expected that patent entry is high and barrier is low in the future. Based on patent results, Cooperative Patent Classification analysis was carried out and as a result, a total of 15 industry sectors were derived. And biopharmaceutical(30.24%) was found to be the most industrialized industry sector followed by agricultural chemistry (28.89%), biochemical industry (16.25%). In the biomedical industry, angelica(17.74%) was the most used and Iris (9.55%), Sium(20.56%) and angelica (20.48%) were found to be the most used in agricultural chemistry, biochemical industry and bio food industry, respectively. The analysis of detailed industry fields for 15 industry sectors showed that medicines of unknown structure containing substances from plants (37.77%), raw materials (46.57%) such as insect repellants, attracting agents and preparation of peptides(16.82%) with more than 21 amino acids were most frequently used in biopharmaceutical, agricultural chemistry and biochemical industry, respectively. This study is of significance as a basic data to know which freshwater plants are used in which field in order to secure biological sovereignty and patent analysis is considered necessary to continuously secure the biological sovereignty for freshwater plants.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.175-199
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• 2018

Recent marine territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea have come to us as a great threat. China, which has recently established the China Coast Guard and has rapidly developed maritime security forces, is trying to overcome the various conflict countries with its power. Japan is also strengthening intensively its maritime security forces. Since Korea, China, and Japan are geographically neighboring and sharing maritime space in Northeast Asia, there is no conflict between maritime jurisdiction and territorial rights among the countries. The struggle for initiative in the ocean is fierce among the three coastal nations in Northeast Asia. therefore, Korea needs more thorough preparation and response to protect the marine sovereignty. As the superpowers of China and Japan are confronted and the United States is involved in the balance of power in strategic purposes, the East Asian sea area is a place where tension and conflict environment exist. China's illegal fishing boats are constantly invading our waters, and they even threaten the lives of our police officers. The issue of delimiting maritime boundaries between Korea and China has yet to be solved, and is underway in both countries, and there is a possibility that the exploration activities of the continental shelf resources may collide as the agreement on the continental shelf will expire between Korea and Japan. On the other hand, conflicts in the maritime jurisdictions of the three countries in Korea, China and Japan are leading to the enhancement of maritime security forces to secure deterrence rather than military confrontation. In the situation where the unresolved sovereignty and jurisdiction conflicts of Korea, China and Japan continue, and the competition for the strengthening of the maritime powers of China and Japan becomes fierce, there is a urgent need for stabilization and enhancement of the maritime forces in our country. It is necessary to establish a new long-term strategy for enhancing the maritime security force and to carry out it. It is expected that the Korean Coast Guard, which once said that it was a model for the establishment of China's Coast Guard as a powerful force for the enforcement of the maritime law, firmly establishes itself as a key force to protect our oceans with the Navy and keeps our maritime sovereignty firmly.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
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• 제27권8호
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• pp.111-121
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• 2022

본 연구는 정부 차원에서 미국 정부를 상대로 방송주권의 문제를 사상 처음으로 제기했던 사례라고 평가할 수 있는, 1977년 AFKN-TV의 컬러 방송 개시를 둘러싼 한미 간의 교섭과정에 대한 역사적 사실을 규명하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 보다 구체적으로는 국가기록원과 외교사료관에 소장된 아카이브 문서에 대한 문헌연구를 통해, 한미 간의 교섭과정을 세 국면으로 나누어 각 국면별로 양국 정부의 주장과 인식, 조치 등을 살펴봄으로써 양국 간에 벌어졌던 갈등의 양상을 살펴보았다. 연구결과, 1977년 초 AFKN-TV의 일방적인 컬러 방송 실시를 둘러싸고 벌어졌던 미국 정부와의 교섭과 그 교섭과정에서 나타난 양국 간의 갈등은 AFKN방송을 새롭게 주권의 관점에서 바라보게 하는 계기였고, 이러한 1970년대 말 한국 정부의 방송주권에 대한 의지는 역사적 유산으로 이어져 1980년대에 다시 미국 정부를 겨냥하게 되었다.

• 한국항행학회논문지
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.119-125
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• 2023

항공 산업의 지속 가능한 발전을 위해서는 항공에서 발생하는 온실가스(이산화탄소)를 줄여야 한다. 운영 개선으로 항공부문의 탄소 감축에 크게 기여할 수는 없지만, 단시간 내에 실질적으로 배출을 감소할 수 있다. ICAO는 글로벌 항공 교통 관리와 운영 절차를 최적화하기 위해 GANP와 ASBU를 개발하였고, 각국은 이를 이행하기 위해 인프라 확충과 기술 개발에 노력을 기울여야 한다. 운영 개선의 합법적 장벽은 시카고 협약의 영공주권개념으로 국가는 국경에 기반한 비효율적인 관제를 하거나, 자국 영공의 통과를 제한하거나 금지할 수 있어 항공기 우회경로 운항으로 탄소 배출이 증가한다. 그러나 시카고 협약은 체약국에 영공의 자유를 무제한 부여하지 않으며, 영공 주권개념을 시대 흐름에 맞추어 해석한다면 원활한 항공 운영 개선을 이룰 수 있을 것이다.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제21권9호
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• pp.151-154
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• 2021

State information policy is an important component of foreign and domestic policy of the country and covers all spheres of society. The rapid development of the information sphere is accompanied by the emergence of fundamentally new threats to the interests of the individual, society, state and its national security. The article considers the components of the state information policy to ensure information security of the country and identifies the main activities of public authorities in this area. Internal and external information threats to the national security of Ukraine and ways to guarantee the information security of the country are analyzed. Information security is seen as a component of national security, as well as a global problem of information protection, information space, information sovereignty of the country and information support of government decisions. Approaches to ensure the process of continuity of the information security system of the state in order to monitor new threats, identify risks and levels of their intensity are proposed.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• 영어영문학
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• 제58권1호
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• pp.93-115
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• 2012

The decades after the French Revolution witnessed the prolific production and consumption of apocalyptic literature, tinged with the optimistic vision of political progress and human perfectibility. However, the Romantic writers were cautious to embrace the idea of the end of history, even though it promised an aesthetic space relieved of historical determinants. Mary Shelley's The Last Man joined this line of Romantic literature which skeptically questions the millenarian desires of political apocalypse by representing apocalypse without millenium. Using the theme of apocalypse as a tool to investigate the place of human beings in the universe and to test diverse political reform ideas to their fullest potential, the novel diagnoses the ideas of representative political subject as the most problematic aspect of political structure. The notion of subjecthood presupposes a political decision as to who can be counted as subject and this decision, according to the novel, assumed a subject that is "active, free, conscious and willful sovereign," which Raymond embodies in his exemplary body. Against the sovereignty of Raymond is juxtaposed the subaltern subject such as Sybil. The resistance of Sybil to Apollo, another exemplary subject, is the subtext of the novel, which guides the way out of the grim future of humanity. While the plague exemplifies the universalizing ideal with its principle of sovereignty, Sybil and her descendent Lionel practice the unconditional hospitality so that they can renew the community in a way to embrace singularities of individuals.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.282-300
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• 2013

본 연구는 최근에 독도의 한일 간 영유권 논쟁이 심화된 것은 1953년부터 한국이 실효적 지배를 하는 독도에 대한 우리 정부의 영유권 행사와 강화에 직결된 독도개발정책 추진의 잘못에서도 그 원인이 있다고 보았다. 이러한 내부적 시각에서 1950년대 이후 2012년 7월 말까지의 정부의 독도개발정책을 성찰적으로 검토해 보고, 그간의 독도 개발정책과 우리 사회에서 제안된 상이한 개발방향에 대한 문제점의 논의를 바탕으로 미래의 바람직한 개발 대안을 모색하고 제안해 보고자 하였다. 역대 정부들은 거의 대부분 독도문제가 한일 간 선린외교관계의 형성과 유지에 걸림돌이 되는 것을 원치 않아 독도 영유권 강화에 필수적인 유인도 개발정책추진에 매우 소극적이었다. 오늘날 독도가 국제사회에서 한국의 독도(Dokdo island)로 인정받지 못하고, 대체로 리앙쿠르 암석(Liancourt rocks)으로 표기되고 있는 것은 우리 정부가 독도를 다수 한국인이 거주(정주)할 수 있는 가치 있는 유인도(island)로 적극적으로 개발하지 않았기 때문이기도 하다. 따라서 본 연구는 UN이 채택하고 있는 지속가능한 개발론 관점에서 독도의 미래 개발 대안으로서, 생태어업, 생태관광 및 동해 연구기능을 가진 소규모의 '독도 생태마을' 조성을 제안하였다. 독도 생태마을 안이 미래에 독도에 대한 우리의 영토주권과 실효적 지배를 강화하기 위한 새로운 독도개발정책의 논의와 수립에 실마리가 되었으면 한다.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국사회복지학회 2005년도 추계공동학술대회
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• pp.351-354
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• 2005

• 기술사
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• 제35권5호
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• pp.10-14
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• 2002