The Industrial Revolution brought great development to the whole human history by the improvement of productive capacity. However, high speed development absorbed just on growth gave rise to resource depletion attack and economical inequality. If it might be neglected human society will meet unsustainable development situation. So UN has made effort to make sustainable development(SD) through global band together. SD concept considers it important to promote current development not giving damage to next generation's development. Then economy, environment and social integration should be harmonized and it demands governance for its actualization. SD gets to be a matter of common interest in education. New Millenium development Goals make African poor countries that are in blind spots of development advance toward gradual sustainable development by supporting programmes to these countries. Thus sustainable development education(SDE) is for future. It has an aim to give suitable education for all people who are all over the world. SDE tries to make health society and successful economical life for all. The concept of SD is found in the essential aims of Christian school and Christian education seeking justice and shalom. Christians are called as transformers for servant mission giving recover in corrupt world. Firstly, Christian school practise this mission making students think on Christian perspectives. Then it makes students serve for environment, economical fairness, social integration with servant mission. Also Christian school has a mission to seek both justice and shalom as a praxis beyond the intellectual dimension of education until fulfilling justice and shalom for all who are all over the world. Thus it can be that Christian school is an important educational institution for realizing sustainable development in that it is always to seek justice and shalom through restoration on the Christian educational perspective.
The Great Depression is one of the most important economic incidents in the twentieth century. A significant and long-lasting impact of this event is the rise of the government intervention to the economy. Under the catastrophic downturn of the economic condition worldwide, people required their government to play an active role for economic recovery, and this $mentalit{\acute{e}}$ prolonged even after the Second World War. Social science textbooks taught at Korean high schools mostly referred to the Great Depression for explaining the reason of government intervention in economy. However, the mainstream view commonly found in the textbooks provides a misleading theological interpretation. It argues that inherent flaws of the market economy causes over-production/under-consumption, and that this mismatch ends up with economic crisis. The chaotic situation was resolved by substitution of the governments for the market, and the New Deal was introduced as the monumental example ('laissez-faire economy ${\rightarrow}$over-production${\rightarrow}$the Great Depression${\rightarrow}$government intervention${\rightarrow}$economic recovery'). Based on economic historians' researches for past three decades, I argue that this mainstream view commits the fallacy of ex-post justification. Unlike what the mainstream view claims, the Great Depression was neither the result of the 'market failure', nor the recovery from the Great Depression but was due to successful government policies. For substantiating this claim, I suggest three points. First, blaming the weakness or instability of the market economy as the cause of the Great Depression is groundless. Unlike what the textbooks describe, the rise of the U.S. stock price during the 1920s cannot be said as a bubble, and there was no sign of under-consumption during the 1920s. On the contrary, a new consensus emerging from the 1980s among economic historians illustrates that the Great Depression was originated from 'the government failure' rather than from the 'market failure'. Policymakers of European countries tried to return to the gold standard regime before the First World War, but discrepancies between this policy and the reality made the world economy vulnerable. Second, the mainstream view identifies the New Deal as Keynesian interventionism and glorifies it for saving the U.S. economy from the crisis. However, this argument is not true. The New Deal was not Keynesian at all. What the U.S. government actually tried was not macroeconomic stabilization but price and quantity control. In addition, New Deal did not brought about economic recovery that people generally believe. Even after the New Deal, industrial production or employment level remained quite low until the late 1930s. Lastly, studies on individual New Deal policies show that they did not work as they were intended. For example, the National Industrial Recovery Act increased unemployment, and the Agricultural Adjustment Act expelled tenants from their land. Third, the mainstream view characterizes the economic order before the Great Depression as laissez-faire, and it tends to attribute all the vice during the Industrial Revolution era to the uncontrolled market economy. However, historical studies show that various economic and social problems of the Industrial Revolution period such as inequality problems, child labor, or environmental problems cannot be simply ascribed to the problems of the market economy. In conclusion, the remedy for all these problems in high school textbooks is not to use the Great Depression as an example showing the weakness of the market economy. The Great Depression should be introduced simply as a historical momentum that had initiated the growth of government intervention. This reform of high school textbooks is imperative for enhancing the right understanding of economy and history.
This study aims to empirically analyze whether the women's cognitive attitude toward gender role, which is formed through social norms, enforces the gender division of housework. In this study, 4,435 married women aged 18-59 years from the 5th wave dataset of Korean Longutudinal Survey of Women and Family Data were selected for analysis. Using the Structural Equation Model(SEM), we examine the direct effect of "attitude toward behavior" and "subjective norm" on the domestic working hours and whether those two independent variables, such as "attitude toward behavior" and "subjective norm," influence the mediator variable "Behavior Intention" which in turn affect the dependent variable. The study reveals that "attitude toward the gender division of housework" has a statistically significant direct effect on the domestic working hours as well as an indirect effect operating through "behavior intention." And"subjective norm "has only a statistically significant indirect effect on the domestic working hours, operating through "behavior intention." Despite the fact that many women are now aware that various work-life balance policies are avaliable to mitigate the gender inequality of domestic works, it is proven that the gender division of housework becomes worse. The reason behind this is not only because there exist some problems in implementing the institutions themselves, but also because women's deeply internalized self-perception of gender role based on the traditional patriarchal culture somehow exacerbates the gender division of housework. Hence, in order to instill a progressive change in gender division of housework, it is important for women to try to change the way they perceive the stereotypical gender roles as well as for men to treat women equally.
The main purpose of this study is based on the comparative analysis over news framing of the family headship(Hoju) abolition in Korean society. This study examined the newspaper articles involving the Hoju abolition, which had been printed on the three major dailies, Chosun, Kukmin, Hankyoreh through February of 1990 to July of 2005. First, the news articles were analyzed and classified on the basis of their lengths, news types, main characters, news framing and systematic framing. Second, the articles that this study looked into were divided into the five major periods when the issue of the Hoju abolition in Korean society surfaced as a main social agenda to be discussed. Third, the main differences between the noticeable frame and unnoticeable frame in each period were analyzed through the three different perspectives which can also can be sub-divided into the six different attributes. This study found that the Hoju abolition as an attribute had developed into political, legal and social fields. The analysis of the research shows that the articles related to the patriarchy abolition showed more dominant frame which reflected the social change or the general tendency of the times. However, the analysis indicates that the articles in the level of an attribute included more dominant frame which mirrored a male chauvinism society. It also points out that the articles contained more dominant frame which was be used as a standard to find out the readers' political inclination. The articles also showed the dominant frame which included the revision and legal process of family laws before presidential or general election campaigns. The study also found that there were major differences among the three dailies. First of all, Chosun, regarded the Hoju as a custom by stressing that 'it is necessary to keep Hoju system to intensify the role and crisis of family if the Hoju will be abolished'. However, Hankyoreh recognized the issue as an important one to improve feminism and female rights by maintaining that 'it is the time to balance the inequality out between men and women with the abolition of patriarchy'. Finally, Kukmin treated the issue as an first step to acknowledge the dignity of females by emphasizing that 'a revision of the law is essential to accept the changing ethics of the times'.
Kim, Hyun-Duk;Kang, Soon-Won;Yi, Kyeong-Han;Kim, Da-Won
Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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v.27
no.4
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pp.127-154
/
2017
EIU has evolved diversely depending on the national environment and culture on the basis of the philosophy of individual human rights and world peace articulated in the "1974 Recommendation on EIU". However, the global environment surrounding EIU has been changed socially, economically, culturally and ecologically in the 21st century, and therefore it is necessary to raise the following questions: Is the concept of EIU initiated for international understanding and cooperation for world peace in the 20th century still valid in the 21st century? Which direction should we take in order for EIU to be efficient in the globalized world? To answer these questions, this study reviewed and analyzed the historical development and current trends of the EIU in the regions of Europe, North America, Asia Pacific area, and Africa. For the empirical study, thirty-four experts in EIU selected from the four regions were interviewed by the researchers. Based on the interviews and the related literature review, it was found that the diverse terms of EIU were used in the four regions and the focus on EIU was different depending on the geographical, historical and social environment of each region. But, despite of the diversity in terminology in EIU, human rights, peace, equity and social justice which are emphasized by UNESCO, were universally taught in EIU. The EIU in these regions is currently dealt with in school education, social education and lifelong education, and particularly global citizenship allowing multiple identities is importantly treated together with citizenship education. Another important aspect of EIU that was commonly found in these four regions was that global citizenship education for solving global problems was coexistent with the reinforcement of nationalism for the economic competency of each nation in a globalized world. The issue of global inequality was particularly dealt with in EIU, and the teaching of voluntary civic involvement and responsibility were particularly emphasized in EIU. Based on these research findings, the study proposes "glocalism", connecting global issues with local issues for solving global problems, as a new approach to the EIU of the 21st century.
Since the urbanization process has been taking place, negative outcomes such as environmental pollution and traffic congestion have produced as well. Reflecting the phenomenon, our study assumed that physical structure of urban form were implicit in relation to both economic performance and cost. It can be interpreted that as the urban space has been growing bigger, economic performances such as regional product output, economy of scale and the effect of agglomeration economies are increased. On the contrary, the negative effects such as environmental pollution and traffic congestion were incurred as economic loss and expenses. It means that even though economic performance can help increase regional product output, we should consider the loss on economic expenses which are paid for social problems such as environmental pollution and traffic congestion, which are caused by urbanization. Therefore, this study aims to statistically validate the relationship between traffic congestion as the most representative economy costs and physical characteristics of urban in a large city such as Seoul and to suggest its implications. As a result of model development for empirical analysis, GRDP(0.604), the population(0.582), employment GINI coefficients(0.296), population GINI coefficients(0.254) in order led to congestion cost. We can come to the conclusion that in case of scale factor such as the population, if the population tends to concentrate, urban becomes more crowded and that if GINI coefficients (the population, employment) which are variable on inequality according to region have the disparity with surrounding areas, congestion cost is caused a lot on account of movement related with employment. In addition, this phenomenon was caused if both the population and employment were geographically biased on one side.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.10
no.2
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pp.407-427
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2004
The rapid innovation of information and communication technology and its sharp falling prices have brought about the expansion of the Internet, integrating the world as one space under converged space and time. This rapid expansion of the Internet and its application in the economy have spurred the emergence of the digital economy. The Internet has influenced strongly on the changes of not only economic activities but also political, social and cultural activities. In this context, a rapidly increasing Internet expansion renders the rhetoric about the death of distance and about the meaningless of geographical place. However, the development and expansion of Internet induces a growing digital divide among nations and also a spatial inequality in a nation as the supply of the Internet has concentrated towards demand-affluent large cities. A large gap of digital access has been occurred between high income and low income countries according to a measurement of the international digital access index. In a national level, the Internet backbone has been built around large cities which favor a large amount of the Internet demand, and the affordable accessibility of these cities for the Internet services has influenced strongly on the agglomeration of Internet related industries, further inducing the construction and investment of the Internet backbone into large cities as cumulative causation effects. As a result, the expansion of the Internet affects immensely on the changes of spatial structure in a nation resulting in the new spatial phenomena such as centralization, concentration and splintering in the digitalized space-economy.
Along with the mood of 'Beyond GDP', it is necessary to explore how these subjective concepts such as happiness and well-being are quantified to be compared among many countries. The concept of 'Work-life balance (WLB)' is likely to be located on the boundary between the subjective and objective areas. Thus, this article aims to examine the policies related to WLB and how to change or develop those policies considering the concept of WLB and the circumstantial particularity of Korea. There are several suggestions on certain developments in the existing policies interfering WLB at three levels. First the government needs to conduct campaigns to transform traditional gender roles through active advertisement. Second, the company needs to use the long-lasting 'hierarchical organisation culture' for employee's work-life balance for regulating working hours and exhausting paid holidays and maternity or paternity leave. Finally, families should understand and support their wives' current circumstances facing the struggle between a mother and economic worker.
This paper provides an overview of political ecology, a body of theory that focuses on the links between political and economic inequality on the one hand, and environmental degradation on the other. Adopting a tripartite classification scheme that identifies three political ecology traditions -'classical', 'democratic' and 'poststructuralist'- the discussion shows the need for a move within the poststructuralist tradition away from a narrow and quasi-idealistic focus on discourse to a more robust philosophical engagement with ontological and epistemological issues grounded in Gilles Deleuze's development of Nietzschean materialism. From there. the author draws on numerous examples from Canada, and surveys the available literature on 'bioregionalism', a relatively new intellectual tradition evolved from the North American environmental social movements of the 1970s and 1980s. The so-called 'bioregional approach' stresses that administrative units need to reflect (rather than transect) eco-geographical and cultural features. Bioregionalism is described and assessed as a potential pragmatic research framework for geographers and other planners wishing to respond proactively to the call for a revamped, poststructuralist political ecology. The paper concludes that a bioregional approach to political ecology avoids the weaknesses identified by certain critics, provides scope for consideration of fundamental philosophical ideas, and as such, represents a practical development of a poststructuralist political ecology.
Kim, Kyoung-Ah;Won, Mi-Hwa;Shin, Sun-Hwa;Go, Gee-Youn;Choi, Junkyoung
Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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v.17
no.2
/
pp.458-469
/
2016
The special education setting in nursing practicum is required for male nursing students to become professional registered nurses. Therefore, this study identifies how male nursing students find and recognize the meaning of the practicum in a delivery room. Eight male nursing students were selected randomly in junior and senior grade. They had finished delivery room practicum within a month and were interviewed from Jul. 20th, 2012 to Dec. 28th, 2012 until the narrative data were fully saturated. The phenomenological method of Colaizzi was used. Thirty themes, nine theme clusters, and three categories were identified. The three categories were frightened in the 'female privacy first' environment, sexual inequality for male students, and only one observation chance of the delivery process. From this study, male students did their best against the gender role and female-only field. A strategy to improve the image of professional nursing is required to enlighten the social conventions regarding the gender role. In addition, multilateral efforts are expected to eliminate the gender discrimination in the nursing education system to establish the correct role of professional registered nurses.
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