• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.3-29
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• 2017

The study checked whether the trade-off relationship between the home ownerhip and welfare by Kemeny and Castles was still valid in four welfare regimes, and analysed the factors of change and stability on rate of home ownership between social democratic states and southern european states. Based on the results of the study, the relationship between housing ownership and public expenditure was confirmed only in the liberal welfare regime and in the conservative welfare regime, as evidenced by the 2014 data collection. Second, social democratic states have dramatically increased housing mortgage loans and showed signs of housing commodification but southern european states have showed pre commodification of housing, maintained comparatively whole home ownership and low mortgage loans. Third, social democratic states has resulted in a rise in housing demand and housing prices, through reduced new housing and social rented housing construction, home owenership friendly taxation and generous lending policies, but southern european states have maintained a stable housing demand and housing prices thanks to the rich housing stocks, extended family, self provision and self promotion by close relatives, and intergenerational inheritance and transfers of housing. Although sequence of the equity ownership and welfare are still unclear, it is not a rational alternatives to induce housing ownership through large mortgage loans.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.162-189
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• 2002

In general, every welfare state is to be productive. If not, the welfare state itself cannot be sustainable because resource for the development of welfare only comes from a sound level of economic development However, how to mix welfare and production differs from country to country. This article tackles this phenomenon as a starting point. Granted, contemporary studies of comparative welfare state often starts from the theory of welfare regime which has been suggested by Esping-Andersen. This article also regards the framework as an analytic tool to elaborate upon the concept of productive welfare and to categorize different types of conception of productive welfare. In liberal regime, the concept is so narrowly interpreted that they emphasize micro-efficiency of specific welfare programs. On the contrary, the other two regime types recognize the concept of productive welfare as relatively wide. Therefore, conservative and social democratic regimes underscore macro-efficiency of the welfare state as a whole. Empirical analyses of this article explores each regime's success and failure in terms of achieving fundamental goals of the welfare state, i.e. economic development and enhancement of equality. A series of evidence show that liberal regime fails in achieving both goals, while the other two regimes seem to be relatively successful. In conclusion, it may be pointed out that current tendency of neo-liberalism and anti-welfarism in Korea should be overcome, which must be the prime task of social welfare academia of this country.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.315-339
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• 2012

The Chilean educative policies as the Voucher System and the privatization have been almost same from the Pinochet government and the ones of "Concertacion" or "Democratic Alliances" until now. Because the neoliberal regime has dominated principally in Chile the area of the education. In this study first of all I will analyze the procedures of the violent repression of the leftist politicians and the intellectuals of the universities by the Pinochet government. And the importance of the reform of the law of education in 1980 was emphasized and the other one in 1990 one day before the retirement of Pinochet. We can comprehend the fact that the education would have been used as a tool to achieve the development of the country and the economic one sacrificing the public and equalitarian values of the education. And the competence, the efficiency and the quality of the education have been emphasized through the policies as example the rights of the selection of the schools by the parents as like a product in the market. But the result was the enormorors expansion of the private education not only in the secondary schools but also in the universities. And also has been intensified "the segregation and the discrimination" of the students jerarquitized by the different social-economic levels of the parents. The Chilean people including the middle class did not realize rightly the inherent problems of the neoliberal regime having the equivocation as if the private schools should have been better than the public ones. However the high level of the public university education became to be dominated by the acomodated class. This was the cause of the last year's great scale of the demonstration of the Chilean students. The most important thing is that these matters was agravated not by the Pinochet government but by the ones of "Concertacion" or "Democratic Alliances". Because these governments tried to maintain the neoliberal regime by means of the education only arranging the small problems or contratiempos.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.333-370
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• 2011

This study views the aged inequalities according to the inequality hypothesis of the life course perspective in OECD 10 countries. Focusing on educational level which is early social status and welfare state regime which is social structure factors of inequality, this study analyzes income inequality for the aged who have transformed into old age period from non-aged period. The analysis is based on the data SHARE of Europe and HRS of USA. The main results of this study are summarized in four points. First, the income inequality is quite high by welfare system and the educational level. Second, the income inequality is somewhat reduced in case the people move from the period of non-aged to the period of aged. However, gini coefficient is still high(0.475). Considering welfare state regimes, although the income inequality is high in conservative regime of non-aged period, this would be higher in aged period. This result supports cumulative advantages/disadvantages hypothesis. The liberal regime remains high income inequality which supports the theoretical argument of status maintenance. Social democratic regime provides evidence to offer some support for the status leveling hypothesis. In there, income inequality is lower in aged period even though income inequality of non-aged period is low. Third, the cumulative advantages/disadvantages of disposable income according to educational level are strengthened and heterogeneity is grown in case people transition from the late period of non-aged to aged period. But public pension has been more equally distributed than gross income. Fourth, seeing welfare state regimes, public pension of aged-period is more inequally distributed than that of non-aged period in liberal and conservative regime. Specially in conservative regime, inequality of gross income is very high and public pension is also inequally distribute So this might show that the social security system strengthens the cumulative advantages/disadvantages. However, in the social democratic regime, public pension is more equally distributed than gross income and it could be much more equally distributed in aged period, which can support the status leveling hypothesis.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.107-132
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• 2024

This study attempted to analyze newspaper articles related to May 18 through frequency analysis and network analysis using news data related to May 18 for about 30 years from 1990 to 2022 at the Korea Press Foundation's Big Kinds. Specifically, quantitative change trends were examined by analyzing the amount of articles by period and region, and the connection structure between major keywords by the regime was explored through network analysis by regime using co-appearance keywords. As a result of the analysis, it was found that 2019 had the largest amount of coverage, which had many social issues in time, and the Jeolla-do region had the largest amount of coverage in the region. And as a result of network analysis, there were differences in words related to May 18 in news data according to the perception and policy of the regime toward May 18. As a result of synthesizing the analysis of May 18 news data, it was confirmed that May 18 was becoming a democratic movement over time regardless of region, but at the same time, the distortion of May 18 was not resolved.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.263-293
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• 2011

There have been many studies on the relationship between welfare states and the poverty. Yet, only a few studies have been addressed the poverty alleviation effect of public pension using difference in difference(DID). This study aims to analyze poverty alleviation effect for the old aged of public pension in 10 OECD countries using DID considering welfare states regimes. The empirical analyses are based on panel data of individuals aged 50 and over from two sources: SHARE in Europe(wave I~II) and HRS in USA(2004~2006). As a result of simple DID, this study provides evidence that the poverty rate of the old aged who has not been received the pension is increased, while the poverty rate of pensioner is sharply decreased. The anti-poverty effect of public pension using DID is 45.6% which is bigger than that of pre/post approach. The policy impact used by pre/post approach in conservative welfare regime is underestimated while those in liberal and socialist regime are overestimated. In last, GDP growth rate has not significant while public pension contributes to poverty alleviation effects of the old aged. Poverty alleviation effects of public pension are also varied with welfare state regimes. The poverty alleviation effects of public pension in conservative welfare and social democratic welfare state regime are significantly bigger than that in liberal welfare state regime.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.85-117
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• 2018

This paper discusses the development of labor law in Indonesia after the 1998 reformasi. The end of the authoritarian regime and the subsequent introduction of democratic institutions in the country have opened up new spaces to restructure labor relations. The government promulgated a set of new labor laws that has brought tremendous changes to the employment system and the system of labor disputes settlement. In the face of the challenges these changes have created, labor unions are using alternative means to defend their members' interests. This paper shows how labor law reform has set a new social contract between the government, employer associations, and the labor movement.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.