The East has recognized 'similar forms' and 'similar spirits' as important topics in expressing an object. Figure painting, in particular, has attached importance to 'transmission of spirit'. Gu Kaizhi (345-406) definitely presented the transmission concept and made it the moot important criterion in painting criticism. By identifying the possibility of revealing spirit through a form, he recognized the 'expression of will' in a creator's work and the experience of such 'expressed will' by an appreciator to be the essential acts of art. Thus, he said, a figure painting revealed the character and nature of the depicted object rather than reproducing its form. Regarding art as a person creating the saintly way of life via developing own character, he attached importance to the will of an artist as the central aesthetic subject. This dissertation explores the keynote of the spirit expressing an artist's inner world and the external shape of a figure. It is carried out by investigating the process of Gu Kaizhi's theory (namely spirit transmission and revelation in painting) leading to Su Dongpo's assertion that "the nature of things" and later leading to Yun Duseo's "theory of the way of painting" as the spirit-transmission theory faithful to the principle of revealing spirit through a form in Chosun. The chronological study of the aforementioned works reveals that the relation between an artist and an object is important at the stage of setting aim in producing a work, and this dissertation analyzed it with four elements: (1) creating work based on the viewpoint of nature that heaven and man are one; (2) reflection of the creator's character (including his/her nature, temperament, spirituality, and emotion during the creation) and the artistic merit of a picture; (3) the dialectic unification between the true and the false through space which is a volitional state as creative thinking space; (4) importance of artist's will above the technique used such that a purposeless, inactive and plain work (where human will is combined with heavenly one) was pursued because the picture is regarded coming from the mind created in the unity of host/artist and guest/object. Thus, through his/her intuitive insight is the world where self is united with the cosmos symbolized. Such expression of an artist's inner world and the external shape of a thing pursues the stage of materialization and creates the new modes such as using space, a variety of brushstrokes, and accidentality and improvisation of India ink. In particular, the writer sees that such expression which enables a creator to express his/her nature or personality (and even the emotion) at the time of creation will be highly worth studying in the future, in accord with the pursuit of contemporary painting being expressed as an abstract aspect.
By studying from Chun Kuk are(戰國時代) to Chung area(淸代), I could find some conclusion as follows. 1. It was Chun Kuk area(戰國時代) that was shown some signs of forthcoming activity of theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈). In that time, Hwang Jae Nae Kyung(黃帝內經) had been written. That book made a important role for foundation of theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈), but it hadn't sufficient contents in some parts. 2. The theory of the Ki Kyung Pal Maek (奇經八脈) had been developed in Jin Han area(秦漢時代), Nan Kyung(難經) had been written in the area, Nan Kyung(難經) had been the first book which had referred to name and physiology of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) and it also had mentioned about course, function, and pathology of that in simple manner. 3. In Yang Jin are and Su Dang area(兩晋 및 隋唐時代), Maek Kyung(脈經) and Hwang Jae Nae Kyung Tae So(黃帝內經太素) had been written Maek Kyung(脈經) had been the first book which had referred to pathology of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) by Maek Jin(脈診) in detail, and it had affected on such books like Tae Pyung Seoung Hveu bang (太平聖惠方) and Ko Kum Yeu Tong Dae Chon(古今醫統大全). Hwang Jae Nae Kyung Tae So(黃帝內經太素) had mentioned about course, function, and pathology about Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) in most detail at that time, and it also had referred to that of such books like Myung Dang(明堂) and Ku Khoun Kyung(九卷經) which do not exist in present. Because of these point, Hwang jae Nae Kyung Tae So(黃帝內經太素) is evaluated an important book of theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈). 4. In Song area(宋代), Seung Jae Chong Rok(聖濟總錄) had been written. Seung Jae Chong Rok(聖濟總錄) first mentioned about meeting between Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) and Sip I Jong Kyung(十二正經), so this book helped development of theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) of Kum Won area(金元時代). 5. In Kum Won area(金元時代), Dong In Su Hyul Chym Ku Do Kyung(銅人腧穴針灸圖經) had been written. Dong In Su Hyul Chym Ku Do Kyung(銅人腧穴針灸圖經) made a important role of theroy of Im Meak(任脈) and Dok Meank(督脈). Sip Sa Kyung Bal Hyui(十四經發揮) was superior to other books which had been referred to theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) at that time. Also Sip Sa Kyung Bal Hyui(十四經發揮) more mentioned about meeting between Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) and Sip I Jong Kyung(十二正經) than that of Seung Jae Chong Rok(聖濟總錄), so this book helped dvelopment of theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈). 6. In Myung area(明代), Ki Kyung Pal Maek Ko(奇經八脈考) that had almost accomplished theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) had been written. Ki Kyung Pal Maek Ko(奇經八脈考) was the best book more than any other book that had been mentioned about theory of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) in three ways as follows. 1) It is Ki Kyung Pal Maek Ko(奇經八脈考) that mentioned about near similar manner of modern course and physiology of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈). 2) Ki Kyung Pal Maek Ko(奇經八脈考) mentioned about pathology and treatment of Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈) in detail more than any other book. 3) Ki Kyung Pal Maek Ko(奇經八脈考) emphasized on relationship between Ryun Kong(鍊功) and Ki Kyung Pal Maek(奇經八脈).
Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.
This study aims at setting the hierarchy of difficulty of the 7 Korean monophthongs for Mongolian learners of Korean according to Prator's theory based on the Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis. In addition to that, it will be shown that the difficulties and errors for Mongolian learners of Korean as a second or foreign language proceed directly from this hierarchy of difficulty. This study began by looking at the speeches of 60 Mongolians for Mongolian monophthongs; data were investigated and analyzed into formant frequencies F1 and F2 of each vowel. Then, the 7 Korean monophthongs were compared with the resultant Mongolian formant values and are assigned to 3 levels, 'same', 'similar' or 'different sound'. The findings in assessing the differences of the 8 nearest equivalents of Korean and Mongolian vowels are as follows: First, Korean /a/ and /$\wedge$/ turned out as a 'same sound' with their counterparts, Mongolian /a/ and /ɔ/. Second, Korean /i/, /e/, /o/, /u/ turned out as a 'similar sound' with each their Mongolian counterparts /i/, /e/, /o/, /u/. Third, Korean /ɨ/ which is nearest to Mongolian /i/ in terms of phonetic features seriously differs from it and is thus assigned to 'different sound'. And lastly, Mongolian /$\mho$/ turned out as a 'different sound' with its nearest counterpart, Korean /u/. Based on these findings the hierarchy of difficulty was constructed. Firstly, 4 Korean monophthongs /a/, /$\wedge$/, /i/, /e/ would be Level 0(Transfer); they would be transferred positively from their Mongolian counterparts when Mongolians learn Korean. Secondly, Korean /o/, /u/ would be Level 5(Split); they would require the Mongolian learner to make a new distinction and cause interference in learning the Korean language because Mongolian /o/, /u/ each have 2 similar counterpart sounds; Korean /o, u/, /u, o/. Thirdly, Korean /ɨ/ which is not in the Mongolian vowel system will be Level 4(Overdifferentiation); the new vowel /ɨ/ which bears little similarity to Mongolian /i/, must be learned entirely anew and will cause much difficulty for Mongolian learners in speaking and writing Korean. And lastly, Mongolian /$\mho$/ will be Level 2(Underdifferentiation); it is absent in the Korean language and doesn‘t cause interference in learning Korean as long as Mongolian learners avoid using it.
This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.
The Saffman-Taylor instability mechanisms in laminar premixed flames in a Hele-Shaw cell are investigated using two-dimensional numerical simulations with Poiseuille assumption for the viscous effect. The baseline calculations considering the Darrieus-Landau and diffusive-thermal instability modes show the results consistent with the classical linear instability theory. With the Saffrnan-Taylor instability mechanism. the overall effect is to enhance the destabilizing mechanism by providing an increased viscous force in the product gas. The linear instability behavior is found to qualitatively similar to the Darrieus-Landau mechanism. However, the results in the nonlinear range demonstrate that there may exist distinct characteristic time scales associated with Darrieus-Landau and Saffman-Taylor mechanisms, such that the latter effect sustains longer in time, contributing to a higher overall flame speed.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the objective preference and satisfaction for the current basic educational environment as well as to suggest the solution by reducing the distance between color theory and the actual situation. The data collected in this study are 195 nursery school teachers and parents from six nursery school with similar color environment. Semantic differential developed by Osgood(1957) as analytic method is applied to analyze the psychological meaning for the color preference among them. The results of this study are as follows; First the nursery school teachers and parents are satisfied with the light tone color palette. Second the nursery school teachers and parents agree with consistent response for the middle tone color palette. Finally the nursery school teachers and parents show different inconsistent response for the vivid strong color palette.
Proceedings of the Korean Geotechical Society Conference
/
1999.03a
/
pp.431-438
/
1999
An assessment of liquefaction potential is made in principle by comparing the shear stress induced by earthquake to the liquefaction strength of the soil. In this study, a modified method based on Seed and Idriss theory is developed for evaluating liquefaction potential. The shear stress in the ground can be evaluated with seismic response analysis and the liquefaction strength of the soil can be investigated by using cyclic triaxial tests. The cyclic triaxial tests are conducted in two different conditions in order to investigate the factors affecting liquefaction strength such as cyclic shear stress amplitude and relative density. And performance of the modified method in practical examples is demonstrated by applying it to liquefaction analysis of artificial zones with dimensions and material properties similar to those in a typical field. From the result, the modified method for assessing liquefaction potential can successfully evaluate the safety factor under moderate magnitude(M=6.5) of earthquake.
Based on the extended Huygens-Fresnel principle and generalized Stokes theory, the evolution of polarization properties of beams generated by quasi-homogenous (QH) sources propagating in clear oceanic water was studied by the use of the oceanic turbulence spatial spectrum function. The results show that the beams have similar polarization self-reconstructed behavior under different turbulence conditions in the far field, but if the propagation distance is not long enough, the degree of polarization (DOP) fluctuates with much more complexity than state of polarization (SOP) of QH beams. The self-reconstructed ability of DOP at the special distance in turbulence would get to the best value if the values of coherence of width were chosen suitably, but for SOP, it has no best value.
A new beam system comprising two cantilever stems and an interspan composite beam has been developed and its design philosophy is described in this paper. The system provides the equivalent of a semi-continuous beam without the requirement to calculate the moment rotation capacity of the beam-to-column connection. The economy of braced frames using the system has been investigated and compared with simple, continuous or semi-rigid systems. It is shown that the costs of the proposed system are similar to the semi-rigid system and cheaper than both the simply supported and rigid beam systems. Two tests have been carried out on 6 meter span beams, which also incorporated an asymmetric flange steel section. The behaviour of the system is presented and the test results are compared with those obtained from the theory.
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