• Journal of English Language & Literature
• /
• v.64 no.3
• /
• pp.347-360
• /
• 2018

It is ironic but not coincidental that the loss of Korean sovereignty to Japan roughly paralleled the formation of the idea of Korean ethnic identity. The coalescence of the content of this heretofore amorphous notion of a "pure" and transcendental (in the class sense) ethnic essence was, again ironically, the result both of ideologies taken from (or given by) Japan and resistance to Japanese encroachment. What resulted was the birth of a hybrid (sub) consciousness that was able to accommodate disparate, or even contradictory, realities simultaneously without any sense of contradiction (Christian and shaman for example). If, as Kim Chul has asserted, the colonial period was the most impactful in forming today's Korean society and "giving birth" to today's Korean, it becomes easy to imagine how this formation process included elements of Japanese and western culture. This meant that there was going to be an inevitable cognitive dissonance when these influences collided with the imperatives of ethnic nationalism which became the touchstone for a common Korean identity (North and South). This paper attempts to show how this split-consciousness was manifested in Yeom Sang seop's Manse jeon with the aim of identifying how it affects discourses related to nationalism and identity.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.20
• /
• pp.67-94
• /
• 2009

Kang Jeung-san whose real name is Kang Il-soon was a Korean born thinker who thought himself as Shangti(上帝). It is told that he made a Great Tour(大巡) upon this world. His thought was affected by Asian traditional philosophy such as Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. He founded a religious body, called Jeung-san-Gyo which could be formed a syncretism of East Asian traditional thoughts. We have to survey Asian traditional thoughts in order to understand Kang Jeung-san's religious thinking. According to the Great Tour Scripture(大巡典經), he have read Confucian moral books, holy Sutra of Buddha and the books of Daoism. In the field of Confucianism, he stressed upon the Book of Changes (Zou-yi; 周易). And for Buddhism, he showed great concern on a monk, Jin-mook(震黙) who lived 15th century in Chosun Dynasty. Jeung-san Shangti followed Daoistic way when he performed religious ritual. In case of performance, he was compared as a great Shaman who wanted to save the world. And the most typical ritual was called public business of Heaven and Earth(天地公事). He showed a great scale while he was touring the world in space. The most important thing, however, is to overcome the localization which seems still prevailing doctrine of the Jeung-san thought. For this, the followers of Jeung-san-Gyo should study world philosophy and accept the modernity so as to broaden Jeung-san thought to the rest of the world.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
• /
• v.32 no.1
• /
• pp.17-53
• /
• 2017

This essay interpreted and analyzed 3 Bonpuri (shamanic rituals) of Jeju Island from Jungian perspectives. These rituals (Chokong, Euigong, and Samgong Bonpuri) includes myths about gods who have both anthropomorphic and supreme aspects. 3 myths showed significant psychological motifs such as hieros gamos, parental complex, ethics, numinose, creativity, and return to the origin. Compared to other religious worshipping ceremony such as shamanism in North America, sufism, and tantraism, similar psychological motifs are discussed. Understanding and amplifying the psychological symbols and process related these motifs may help analysis to be more meaningful and revivifying the human psyche especially in distress and sadness.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.12-17
• /
• 2008

Taepyeongso was introduced from China during the end of the Goryeo period and was used widely in Daechwita (military processional music), Pungmul-nori (farmers music), Buddhist music, royal ancestral rite music, and Sinawi, the instrumental accompaniment to shaman dances. Now, It has been popular as it is used for pop music and it is easy to learn. In this paper, Taepyeongso was analyzed for electronic Taepyeongso using physical modeling. We extracted resonance properties of Taepyeongso through the analysis of Taepyeongso sound. We analyzed the bell, the bore and the mouthpiece using FFT and LPC curve. As a result, the bell could be represented 2 pole filter and reflection filter between bore and bell.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.349-383
• /
• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
• /
• v.7 no.4
• /
• pp.387-393
• /
• 2005

This study compares shamans' costumes of Korea with those of Siberia and Central Asia. It also investigates the meaning of shamanism and shamans,the relationship of Korean shamanism to shamanism, and the genealogy of Korean shamanism. For collecting and analyzing data of the research, literature reviews, field studies, and the investigation of historical relics are mostly used. The following are the major findings of the research: Through the comparison of shamans' costumes of Korea with those of Siberia and Central Asia, this research finds out some similarities and differences in the costumes. Both Korean shamans and Siberian and Central Asian shamans wore shaman's costumes and used utensils like bells or mirrors when they perform a religious service. On their costumes, they both used an element which stands for birds. However, they were different in terms of the materials or styles of the costumes, of the function of the costumes, and of the decorating with ornaments. The differences in the materials or styles of the costumes, different functions of the costumes, and using ornaments or not can be viewed as a general phenomenon, which is resulted from different environments. The soul's departing the body or the possession or a mixed method can be considered as mere variations due to regional or cultural differences. In conclusion, based on the comparison of the costumes of shamans of Korea with those of Siberia and Central Asia, the shamans of Korea and Siberia and Central Asia share the same origin. And the genealogy of Korean shamans can be said to be originated from the northern shamanism.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.64 no.1
• /
• pp.152-164
• /
• 2014

Korean people have revered the white color and enjoyed wearing white clothes. Various kinds of white clothes have been worn by the Korean people, ranging from everyday wear(便服), and scholar's robe(深衣) for the upper class, to religious costumes like Buddhist monk's robe(僧服), shaman costumes(巫服) and costumes for ancestral rites(祭服), or mourning(喪服). There have been many differing opinions by historians regarding the background of this Baekeuihosang(白衣好尙, the preference for white clothing) tradition and even now, it is frequently being discussed. This study aims to consider and discuss the background of this Baekeuihosang tradition, focusing on Chang-seon Yoo's Baekeuigo(白衣考, the consideration of white clothing), which was published in Dong-A Ilbo in 1934. The purposes of studying literature such as the Baekeuigo is to analyze the arguments on the origin of Baekeuihosang, to analyze Chang-seon Yoo's claim of its origin, and to discuss the culture of Baekeuihosang. Chang-seon Yoo claimed that the existing discussions on the background of Baekeuihosang based on the lack of dyes, or undeveloped technique, economic privation and national control strayed from historical facts, according to literature review. It is not worth discussing the farfetched arguments such as the use of costumes for ancestral rites as everyday wears, or the nation of sorrow. Baekeuihosang tradition mostly originated from the effects of many religions and the taste for innocence, or naturalness. White clothes were infused with the sorrow and emotion of Korean people and were also worn to show resistance to foreign power as symbols of ethnicity. Therefore, there should be a new view of the discussion of white clothes and Korean aesthetic sense, away from the logic distorted by the Japanese colonial view of history.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.62 no.8
• /
• pp.71-80
• /
• 2012

The Kut is the core of the traditional folk religion. The afterlife wedding Kut actually performs a traditional wedding ceremony by personifying the deceased in the process of performing the composition of Kut geori that cannot be observed from other Kuts, which is an important means to convey the situation of Kut more clearly. A traditional wedding ceremony performed in the Kut enables the audience to understand the meaning behind the Kut. The costume worn in the traditional wedding ceremony of the afterlife wedding Kut makes the audience understand the existence of the deceased by the use of a scarecrow dialect and makes them feel a vivid sense of the scene emitting from the Kut, which performs a traditional wedding ceremony in the composition of Kut geori. The results of this study showed that a shaman who led the afterlife wedding Kut had a scarecrow that symbolized the bride and a bridegroom wear the traditional wedding costume in order to visualize the deceased and express the symbol of a wedding which could not be made in this world. It can be interpreted that the traditional costume derived from the afterlife wedding Kut plays a symbolic role, which converts the deceased into a living person through the formal aspect of ceremonial costume and the cultural aspect of wedding ceremony.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.202-209
• /
• 2013

This study suggests a new women's upper clothing based on traditional Korean costumes that utilize the Jatmulim. The Jatmulim is an example of the skill found in conditional Korean costumes and is of a small triangular shape. Jatmulim was developed in size, shape, and arrangement through the method of making and using children's Durumagi, the dancer's or shaman's Mongduri, and modern works. A total of five pieces of different women's clothing were suggested by applying the developed Jatmulim. In the first piece, the clothing is a woman's sleeveless blouse based on the construction of the Yoseon-Cheolik from the Joseon period and made with a larger sized Jatmulim in the back of the neckline and shoulders. In the second piece, the clothing is designed for a woman's jacket based on the Bansuui of the Joseon period with rectangular Jatmulim in the front neckline and at the end of the sleeves. In the third piece, the clothing is designed for a woman's sleeveless blouse based on the Danryeong with rectangular Jatmulim in the neckline. In the fourth piece, the construction of the Jeogori is applied to the clothing for making a woman's jacket that has a bigger sized Jatmulim in the front part as a decoration. In the fifth work, the clothing is designed for a sleeveless blouse based on the Dapho with a different sized arrangement of the Jatmulim in the neckline.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.3-10
• /
• 2001

Psychology and esters medicine are congenital therapeutic partners. they are closer in concept and practice to each other than either is to the principles of western science and medicine. Estern medicine, like most psychotherapies, is concerned with an individual's unique physical and emotional state. The aim of this study is to review Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) therapy which is one of the psychotherapies in estern medicine. We studied few representative books which are about in estern medicine and also studied some clinical case reports on psychotherapies by estern medicine therapy, specially about Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) therapy. Generally we understood Chukyoo(祝由) is the eldest psychological therapy which is based on Shamanism and controlled by Shaman as a doctor. and it is similar to simple psychoanalysis in western medicine. The psychologic therapy of Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi (移精變氣療法) is typical estem medicine psychologic therapy since the principle of estern medice had built like Hwang-Chi-Nei-Ching(黃帝內經). The meaning. of Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) therapy is holistic psychologic therapy which are based on the harmony of mind and body. The practical method of Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) are to refresh patient's emotional condition, like ventilaltion. The second healing method of Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) is persuasion by dialogue. The third method is to clear patient's doubt by explainning of some qutestions. Therefore, the indication of Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) therapy are psychosomatic disease or psychogenic problems. In conclusion, I suggest that the Ii-Geug-Byun-Qi(移精變氣療法) therapy could be powerfully adopt to prevent or treat lots of disease which is related with mind and body induced by stressor.