• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.91-106
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• 2001

Local government takes an active role in the (re)making of local socio-economic space. To support such an argument, the three different actions by the local government of Taegu, urban planning and local industrial districts, the establishment of special educational institutions, and textile festival are analyzed. The division of the city's space into residential, commercial, and industrial area by local government constrained the location of local manufacturing industries. It also forced textile industry to move to the outskirts of Taegu. As the education level in South Korea rose after the late 1970s, the local government of Taegu as well as local industrial capitalists had to do something to acquire a stable supply of labor to local manufacturing industries, particularly textile one. After the late 1970s, the special classes for the education of local workers, especially textile ones were established within vocational high school and company-operated high schools were also built in Taegu. Finally, local government started a program of textile festival in 1985. Through textile festival, local government as well as local textile business people tried to reproduce textile industry as the main economic activity of Taegu.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• The Journal of The Korea Institute of Intelligent Transport Systems
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.21-35
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• 2022

With the support of local and central governments, various incentive policies for "green" cars have been established, and the number of electric vehicle users has been rapidly increasing in recent years. As a result, much attention is being given to establishing a user-centered charging infrastructure. A standard for the number of electric vehicle chargers to be supplied is being prepared based on building characteristics, but there is quite limited research on the appropriate ratio of slow and fast chargers based on the characteristics of each place. Therefore, this study derived an appropriate penetration ratio based on data about the distribution ratio of common slow chargers. These data were collected using a survey of actual electric vehicle users. Next, an analysis was done on how to categorize the needs of charging environments and to determine what criteria or characteristics to use for categorization. Based on the results of the survey analysis, three types of places were derived. Type-1 places require 10% of chargers to be slow chargers, Type-2 places require 40-60% of chargers to be slow chargers (i.e., around equal distribution of slow and fast chargers), and Type-3 places require more than 80% of chargers to be slow chargers. The required levels of slow chargers were classified by place type and by individual using latent class cluster analysis, which made it possible to categorize them into five clusters related to socioeconomic variables, vehicle characteristics, traffic, and charging behaviors. It was found that there was a high correlation between charging behavior, weekend travel behavior, gender, and income. The results and insights from this study could be used to establish charging infrastructure policies in the future and to prepare standards for supplying charging infrastructure according to changes in the electric vehicle market.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.67-88
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• 2011

Pungsu is an ancient logic that systemizes geography based on the Yin-Yang and The Five Elements Principle. It is defined as the unique and highly systemized ancient Eastern art of selecting auspicious sites and arranging harmonious structures such as graves, houses, and cities on them by evaluating the surrounding landscape and cosmological directions. Pungsu helps allegedly one improve life by receiving vital energy(Shengqi, 生氣)-energy flow that flows under the ground. It is traditional belief that the living lead their lives on the ground, indirectly receiving the energy coming out of the ground, whereas the dead are buried under the ground, allowing them to directly absorb energy from the ground, which makes Shengqi the dead receive bigger and more obvious than that the living receive. This energy absorbed by the dead from the ground was believed to be passed on to their descendants. This phenomenon is called "Induction of vital energy between Ancestors and Descendants". People searched for the sites which were believed to contain rich and positive vital energy flow. They also tried to bury their ancestors under such sites hoping to receive the Shengqi coming from underground which they believed would help them thrive and prosper. The efforts to locate the sites which have the most vital energy, auspicious sites or "Bright Yard(明堂)", are easily observed in Asia including China and Korea. The ultimate goal of searching for auspicious sites lies in human(whether alive or dead) receiving vital energy from the nature to enjoy happy lives. In choosing a place to live or to bury their dead ancestors, people tried to understand the energy flow of the site considering the factors related with mountain, water, and direction. If we take a closer look into the methods of finding auspicious sites, we can see that people have tried to see the outer conditions of lands, mountains and waters within the perfect harmony if possible. Auspicious site or Bright Yard is the site with those elements in perfect order and harmony, that is, it is the place which derives the most vital energy from the best order and harmony of nature. As this shows, an auspicious site symbolizes totality-the Self, and it seems to be projected to the land. It is believed to be an attempt that the reason why we try to find auspicious sites to internalize the totality that we projected to the outer world. Therefore, this auspicious site is what our foremost values, symbol of the Self, such as harmony, equilibrium, perfection, and uniqueness are reflected to the land. Through the process of finding such a site, we try to gain totality of psyche.