• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.39 no.5
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• pp.89-105
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• 2001

This study on Jeung San Kyo, one of Korea's new religions, considered the name, kind, form, color and the thoughts of ritual dress which is involved in 15 religious blanches acting currently according to books and the actual research. The following is below. 1 Each names of ritual dresses called rigious branches are Bob Bok(법복), Doh Bok(도복), Yeah Bok(예복) and Jea Bok(제복). 2 In most religious blanches, ritual dress is the Korean cloths which Poh is wear above and Kwan is put on, and the form of Poh(포) is the similar with Durumagi(두루마기), Danryungpoh(단령포), Jungchimak(중치막), Jikryungpoh(직령포) etc, but not the form of Git, Moo and Yiohmim. Kwanmoh is named Chill-Chung-Kwan(칠층관), Yiun-Hwa-Kwan(연화관), Yiun-Kwan(연관), In-Hwa-Kwan(인화관), Tong-Chon-Kwan(통천관) etc. 3. In most religious orders but Dae Suun Jin Li Hueay(대순진리회), Jeung San Doe Jang(증산도장), Colors are used, white, lightblue, and yellow is used in Jeung San Pop Jong Kyo(증산법종교), Dong Doe Pop Jong Gyum Gang Doe(동도법 종금강도). White color means the mind of a people tradition, and light blue expresses an Oriental nation, namely, “Korea”, and is the color representing Jeung San Kyo, and yellow shows the central religion in the future. 4. Jeung San Kyo ceremony fashion reflects the ideologies of the principal role, the Um and Yang-five elements, and, nationalism according to form, color.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.731-740
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• 2012

This study was made to the adult females over 20's in the family that prepared the ritual food personally or in the family that conducts ritual or did not do the ritual for the religious reasons. And based on the prepare method of the ritual food, ritual and recognition of ritual good. 245 responses which took up 80.86% had responded they do the ritual or semi-ritual and Buddhism was most prominent religion among them. The cost for ritual food also had statically significant differences by the age, marriage status and income and on the terms of the income, more the income was more they spend on the ritual food. The ritual utensil used for the ritual food also show significant differences by the age, marriage status, family make-up formation, religion. The form and meaning of the ritual have been changed as the society changes but is still important subject matter for most of homes. Responders were preparing the ritual with all the sincerity to their ancestors with practical and realistic decisions.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.79-88
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• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.27
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• pp.41-52
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• 1996

This thesis is a rearch on ritual dresses and ideology of new Korean religions primarily cen-tering on the way how religions ideology has been expressed into them. THe results are as follows" 1. The representative ideology in new Korean religions is the beginning of the world after the end religional union anthropocentrism ethno-centrism and social reform. 2 The creator of Mirukbulgyo hinm-self made the ritual dress for Mirukbulgyo Therefore his thought and the thought new religions are expressed variously on literatiure and ritual dress Ritual dress which has been wearing to all the believers show the thought of social reform also it is not connected with the social position and sex distinction. That ritual dresses are used the part of boue color appears the thought of beginning of the world after the end and ethnocentrism The organization of all the dresses contains the ideol-ogy of religional joined-one. Each dress embodies the ideology of religional union and anthropocentrism in its Inhwagwan, Chungbok contains the ideology of religional union which Taosim prefominanates and ethnocentrism P'oui contains the ideology of beginning of the world after the end and the ideology of social reform.form.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.1 s.41
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• pp.57-70
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• 2005

This study is the consideration about Hwaryeong-Jeon that enshrines Joseon Dynasty 22nd king Jeongjo's portrait of a king. Suwon's Hwaryeong-Jeon that accompanied a portrait and performed ritual ceremonies had several formalities and ceremonies which are connected with rituals. therefore, we will try to examine what relation between arrangement of building and plane composition had. And through this, it is thing to observe construction special quality that Hwaryeong-Jeon has. Joseon Dynasty's young-jeon (a hall where the royal portraits are kept) is retaining each other different state according to construction age every moment. Hwaryeong-Jeon among Joseon Dynasty's a hall of royal portraits is the construction form which is equiped well and is known for keeping the form well from the foundation to now And this building is evaluated as the standard form of early part young-jeon building of 19th century. Especially, Hwaryeong-Jeon shows the typical ritual equipments late Joseon Dynasty and at the same time has all kinds of characteristics which only we can find at Hwaryeong-Jeon. Namely, Hwaryeong-Jeon is the building which brings the design concept of the hall of royal portraits to completion as the building which enshrines single portrait of a king. After all, Hwaryeong-Jeon is evaluated as the building which can pass excellent form of late Joseon Dynasty, the hall of royal portraits building just as it is. Therefore, as I study its own style, I expect Joseon Dynasty's mind that enshrined the portrait of a king elaborately to be revealed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.441-470
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• 2017

This paper deals with three issues related to influx and change of the Confucian Shrine Ritual Music. First, the musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom-wooden frame-form used in the current Confucian Shrine Ritual Music is not a form that came in when the Daesung-Aak of the Song Dynasty was introduced in 1116, but it is a Yuan Dynasty form brought from the Ming Dynasty, in the 19th year of King Kongmin. In the Song Dynasty of the Goryeo Yejong era, when Daesung-Aak came in, there was not yet 'Baeso', a musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom form, which first appeared in the Yuan Dynasty. A new musical instrument named 'Baeso' appears with the 'So' in the later period of King Gongmin, and it is very likely that this 'Baeso' is the musical instrument of the present Akhakgwebeom form. Second, although the form of the 'So' in the Joseon Dynasty recorded in the Akhakgwebeom was followed by the Chinese one, but the pitch and arrangement are the one of the pitch of '12 Yul and 4 Cheongseong' and the arrangement of the pitch from left to right. Third, in the 1930s, the whole form was the same as that of the Akhakgwebeom, but there existed two types, which several pipes stick together or pipes fall apart. But since then, as seen in the musical instrument located at Kyungpook National University Museum and in instruments currently used in Confucian Shrine Ritual Music, only musical instruments exist which pipes fall apart. It is unclear for what reason and to what extent the 'So' were so transformed, but it would be appropriate to re-establish the form of the 'So' in the musical and historical point of view.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.51-60
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• 2005

This ethnography is on the passage ritual clothes in Incheon province. This ethnography invatigates in two villages of people who has same family name -Family 'Cheung' (from Young-il) in Yeonsoo-dong and Family 'Lee'(from Cheun-joo) in dongyang-dong- in August to December 2003. The object of examination is 80's and 70's old women who have lived and had lived up to recent in two villages. (grand mother Sung, Cho, Cheung and yoon) The clothes of passage ritual are Baenaeoht is the first clothes of the newborn baby(swaddling), A wedding ceremony clothe is the clothing for the coming-of-age ceremony, Honryebouk is the clothing for wedding, Sangbouk in the clothing for mourning, shroud is the clothing for the dead, sacrificial robes. The result of ethnogrphy is the passage ritual clothes in Incheon Province similar with other Provinces in aspect of the name and the form and wearing of the clothes. there are remarkable differences in making method from making by oneself to purchase(swaddling$\cdot$shroud), westernize(clothes for wedding and mourning), simplification (sacrificial) between ritual for their parents and their husband and children.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.14-27
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to identify the ritual dress used by the 12 religious bodies of Dankun followers to help understand the teachings of these currently operating religious groups in Korea. The findings from the survey and related literatures are used to analyze the characteristics of these ritual dresses in terms of their items, construction, form, and color. The results of the study are as follows: first, most of the religious groups of Dankun followers have established the code for ritual dresses and they are named as 'chaebok'(제복, sacrificial robes), 'yebok'(예복, ceremonial dress), 'chungbok'(정복, formal attire), 'pubbok'(법복, Buddhist formal dress), or 'tobok'(도복, Taoist garments). The official headgear is usually named as 'chaemo'(제모), 'soogun'(수건), 'moja'(모자), or 'yoogun'(유건, 儒巾). Though, there are some groups which do not use any specific names for headgear. Second, the ritual dresses of most groups are composed of the 'hanbok'(한복,韓服) or usual Western-style dress, a traditional outer wear, 'po'(포,袍), and a headgear, as a basic attire. Third, the traditional 'hanbok' is worn as a base garment and an outer wear is worn above. The different types of outer wear are used: mostly 'chaksu jueui jikyoun po'(착수주의직령포, 窄袖周衣直領袍) for men and 'kwangsu jikyoung po'(광수직령포, 廣袖直領袍) and other various styles for women. The headgear from the ancient times are worn by both men and women. Fourth, the most frequently-used color for ritual dress is white for both men and women's dress. The colors from the Yin and Yang ideology are also used in the ritual dresses. Finally, the kinds of materials are not considered as an important element for the ritual dresses.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.7 no.4 s.17
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• pp.93-102
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• 1998

There are several treatises about architectural characteristics of Hyangkyo. But those treatises usually treat with the types of site plans or structural characteristics without the historic background. So there needs the approaching methods with the historic background to study about the architecture of Hyangky. This study aims at the sample research about the architecture of Hyangkyo in beginnig period. Kyodong hyangkyo is the first building in hyangkyo. There are some architectural characteristics in this building comparing with the Hyangkyo in ripening period. Such characteristics apper in the site plan of educational spaces and in the floor plans of Myongryundang, Dongjae, Seojae. And there appear some characteristecs in ritual spaces such as the architectural structure of Daesungjun, and the position of stone establishment (Kwansedae, Saengdan) The ritual form of Kyodong hyangkyo has no special characteristics compering with the Hyangkyo in ripening period. These rictual form has kept the general rule of ritura form through the history.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.55-72
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• 2021

Objectives : This paper investigates the significance of the transmission ritual (TR) documented in the Huangdi Neijing (HN) and its effects on medicine pursued by HN's authors (medical bureaucrats). Methods : Descriptions of knowledge transmission and related ritual were identified from HN texts. They were compared with similar types of actions in ancient China, then historically reconstructed. They were also approached from the perspective of ritual studies. Results : It appears highly probable that TR in HN had actually been performed by the authors themselves, which shows characteristics of rites of passage. The participants accepted the in-group order based on patrimonial piety. TR consecrates the participants as well as its object, which is medical knowledge. Conclusions : In the field of TR, the participants shared not only a specific document or knowledge, but also their common experiences of medical perfection and sanctity. They constructed their noble group identity through TR. At the same time, TR inhibited arguments inside the group, in favor of one-way communication.