• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.29-40
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• 2019

The paper investigates the minimal pair of Korean phonemes quantitatively. To achieve this goal, I calculated the number of consonant minimal pairs in the syllable-initial position as both raw counts and relative counts, and analyzed the part of speech relations of the two words in the minimal pair. "Urimalsaem" was chosen as the object of this study because it was judged that the minimal pair analysis should be done through a dictionary and it is the largest among Korean dictionaries. The results of the study are summarized as follows. First, there were 153 types of minimal pairs out of 337,135 examples. The ranking of phoneme pairs from highest to lowest was 'ㅅ-ㅈ, ㄱ-ㅅ, ㄱ-ㅈ, ㄱ-ㅂ, ㄱ-ㅎ, ${\ldots}$, ㅆ-ㅋ, ㄸ-ㅋ, ㅉ-ㅋ, ㄹ-ㅃ, ㅃ-ㅋ'. The phonemes that played a major role in the formation of the minimal pair were /ㄱ, ㅅ, ㅈ, ㅂ, ㅊ/, in that order, which showed a high proportion of palatals. The correlation between the raw count of minimal pairs and the relative count of minimal pairs was found to be quite high r=0.937. Second, 87.91% of the minimal pairs shared the part of speech (same syntactic category). The most frequently observed type has been 'noun-noun' pair (70.25%), and 'vowel-vowel' pair (14.77%) was the next ranking. It can be indicated that the minimal pair could be grouped into similar categories in terms of semantics. The results of this study can be useful for various research in Korean linguistics, speech-language pathology, language education, language acquisition, speech synthesis, and artificial intelligence-machine learning as basic data related to Korean phonemes.

• KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
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• v.10 no.10
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• pp.261-268
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• 2021

Cloud computing is a computing paradigm in which users can utilize computing resources in a pay-as-you-go manner. In a cloud system, resources can be dynamically scaled up and down to the user's on-demand so that the total cost of ownership can be reduced. The Modeling and Simulation (M&S) technology is a renowned simulation-based method to obtain engineering analysis and results through CAE software without actual experimental action. In general, M&S technology is utilized in Finite Element Analysis (FEA), Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD), Multibody dynamics (MBD), and optimization fields. The work procedure through M&S is divided into pre-processing, analysis, and post-processing steps. The pre/post-processing are GPU-intensive job that consists of 3D modeling jobs via CAE software, whereas analysis is CPU or GPU intensive. Because a general-purpose desktop needs plenty of time to analyze complicated 3D models, CAE software requires a high-end CPU and GPU-based workstation that can work fluently. In other words, for executing M&S, it is absolutely required to utilize high-performance computing resources. To mitigate the cost issue from equipping such tremendous computing resources, we propose HEMOS-Cloud service, an integrated cloud and cluster computing environment. The HEMOS-Cloud service provides CAE software and computing resources to users who want to experience M&S in business sectors or academics. In this paper, the economic ripple effect of HEMOS-Cloud service was analyzed by using industry-related analysis. The estimated results of using the experts-guided coefficients are the production inducement effect of KRW 7.4 billion, the value-added effect of KRW 4.1 billion, and the employment-inducing effect of 50 persons per KRW 1 billion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.16-24
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze the usage behavior of Seoullo 7017, the first public garden in Korea, to understand the usage status by analyzing blogs, and to present usage behavior and improvement plans for Seoullo 7017. From June 2017 to May 2020, after Seoullo 7017 was open to citizens, character data containing 'Seoullo 7017' in the title and contents of NAVER and·DAUM blogs were converted to text mining and socialization, a Big Data technique. The analysis was conducted using social network analysis. The summary of the research results is as follows. First of all, the ratio of men and women searching for Seoullo 7017 online is similar, and the regions that searched most are in the order of Seoul and Gyeonggi, and those in their 40s and 50s were the most interested. In other words, it can be seen that there is a lack of interest in regions other than Seoul and Gyeonggi and among those in their 10s, 20s, and 30s. The main behaviors of Seoullo 7017 are' night view' and 'walking', and the factors that affect culture and art are elements related to culture and art. If various programs and festivals are opened and actively promoted, the main behavior will be more varied. On the other hand, the main behavior that the users of Seoullo 7017 want is 'sit', which is a static behavior, but the physical conditions are not sufficient for the behavior to occur. Therefore, facilities that can cause sitting behavior, such as shades and benches must be improved to meet the needs of visitors. The peculiarity of the change in the behavior of Seoullo 7017 is that it is recognized as a good place to travel alone and a good place to walk alone as a public multi-use facility and group activities are restricted due to COVID-19. Accordingly, in a situation like the COVD-19 pandemic, more diverse behaviors can be derived in facilities where people can take a walk, etc., and the increase of various attractions and the satisfaction of users can be increased. Seoullo 7017, as Korea's first public pedestrian area, was created for urban regeneration and the efficient use of urban resources in areas beyond the meaning of public spaces and is a place with various values such as history, nature, welfare, culture, and tourism. However, as a result of the use behavior analysis, various behaviors did not occur in Seoullo 7017 as expected, and elements that hinder those major behaviors were derived. Based on these research results, it is necessary to understand the usage behavior of Seoullo 7017 and to establish a plan for spatial system and facility improvement, so that Seoullo 7017 can be an important place for urban residents and a driving force to revitalize the city.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.40-51
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• 2011

The purpose of the study was to understand the symbol and locational meanings in building and relocating Gwangje-jeong(光霽亭) through the analysis and interpretation on the construction background, history, the location and its characteristics. Concerning physical environment, human activities, the symbol and meanings of the formal Gwangje-jeong site and the present location, the study was concluded about the site and its meaning of tradition as following. Gwangje, the name of the pavilion, represents the fidelity of Maedang(梅堂) Yangdon(楊墩) who refused as Seonbee(a man of virtue) to be tainted with the corrupt world, which was related with the situation at that time. It implies Maedang's feeling of realizing Noojeongjeyong(樓亭題詠) of Gwangje-jeong along with the high spirit of Gwangpoongjewol(光風霽月). According to the record about rebuilding Gwangje-jeong, Maedang was the very person who planted plum flowers at the pavilion and put up the tablet of its name, Gwangje. Even after his death, Gwangje-jeong was the symbol indicating Yangdon, given the triple high ground and the planting of plum flowers. Also, Sookho(宿虎) town at the entrance of Gwangje-jeong and Bokhoam(伏虎巖: a rock) at the right side of the pavilion signifies the location for praising Maedang Yangdon, and the Yangjipha's Oensi(五言詩: five words verse) engraved on the rock gives a good description about the place, Agyesa that worshiped Yangdon. As Agye-Sa(阿溪祠) where Yangdon was worshiped and praised had been abolished in the 5th year under the Kojong's reign(1868), the spirit praising Maedang had finally been used for the relocation of Gwangje-jeong. Despite the relocation of Gwangje-jeong, the old Gwangje-jeong site has remained at least for 359years at Hucheonli, and its surroundings have maintained the name 'Gwangje' as the front place name morpheme, for example, 'Gwangje-jeong,' 'Gwangje Town,' 'Gwangje Bridge' and 'Gwangje Creek,' for symbolizing the praising of Maedang. Gwangje-jeong, as the center place of solidarity among Namwon Yang's family clan, has been able to maintain its symbol and meanings in spite of relocation, mainly because of the fellowship among the descendants, family clan and alumni who respected virtuous achievements of ancestors and shared the agony of the time. In addition, the symbolism has been preserved since the spirit of Gwangpoonjewol of Yangdon and his high character were cherished along with the spirit of Bongseon(奉先) that inherited and kept virtuous achievements of ancestors.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.315-353
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• 2017

This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.115-151
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• 2021

According to Lee Young-geum, the ideas of grievance resolution and mutual beneficence were already present in shamanism. She also insists that Jeungsan merely theorized upon these ideas by inheriting them and his religious activities must be identified from within a shamanistic worldview. Contrary to Lee's claim, Cha Seon-keun argues that the grievance resolution of Jeungsan is far beyond the contents and level of development found in shamanism. He also insists that Jeungsan's religious activities must be identified as having a certain orderly uniqueness distinct from shamanism. The argument between these two different perspectives has not attracted other researchers besides those who are directly involved. However, this debate deserves attention with regard to the problem of how one approaches a given religion and which academic perspective should be applied. Based on the perspective of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, this study examines their debate by considering four issues. Firstly, whether Jeungsan inherited or expanded upon the subject of grievance resolution and its range remains undetermined. Secondly, the ethics of mutual beneficence and grateful reciprocation in Jeungsan's concept of grievance resolution should be analyzed as to whether that idea reasserts the ethics of shamanism. Thirdly, it is necessary to study whether his method of grievance resolution fully embraced the methods of grievance resolution that exist in shamanism. Lastly, it should be determined whether or not Jeungsan's religious activities and system of thought should be identified within a shamanistic worldview. Through this review, Lee and Cha can be shown to have different opinions on the academic approach to research on religion. Accordingly, this study concludes that Lee's method of only interpreting Jeungsan's religious thought via a shamanic worldview is incompatible with academic methodology. A scholar of religious studies should discuss Jeungsan on his own merits rather than just imply that Jeungsan thoroughly reflects the worldview of shamanism, doctrinal studies of Buddhism, and Daoist thought as well as other theologies. In other words, if certain tangible and intangible elements found in shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Christianity are also observed in Jeungsan's religious thought, it is necessary to comprehend how different or similar those elements are or whether they are re-interpreted in any manner. In the case of Lee, her method of overemphasizing similarities is now criticized as outdated. Nowadays, it is necessary to demonstrate awareness of modern religious studies tendency to pay equal attention to similarities and differences.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.183-208
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• 2021

In order to examine the origin of Image-Number Theory in Cho Hoik (曺好益)'s Yixiangshuo (易象說), it is necessary to review Hu Yigui (胡一桂)'s Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu (周易本義附録纂注). Hu Yigui based his work on Zhu Xi's Zhouyi Benyi, he took related contents such as the Zhu Xi's writings and phrases and organized them into a fulu (附録), and he collected commentaries that matched the meaning of Zhouyi Benyi among the theories of many Confucian scholars and produced a zuanzhu (纂注). In addition to these, there are 'Yuwei (愚謂)' and 'Yuan (愚案)' which allowed him to add his own opinion. The system of Hu Yigui's Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu almost coincides with Cho Hoik's Yi-ological writing system. In other words, Cho Hoik appears to have written Yizhuan Bianjie (易傳辨解) and Zhouyi Shijie (周易釋解) as a fulu and zuanzhu of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. And there is Yixiangshuo which corresponds to 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. Yixiangshuo was not originally an independent Yi-ological book, but was compiled by later generations from what was recorded in the form of the head notes of Zhouyi (周易). Thus, Yixiangshuo takes almost the same form as the 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. In addition, Cho Hoik's Yixiangshuo cites many contents from 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. On the other hand, in order to examine the origin of Image-Number Theory in Cho Hoik's Yixiangshuo, the Yi-ology of Zhu Zhen (朱震) cannot be overlooked. This is true not only due to the fact that Yixiangshuo is quoting Zhu Zhen. The more significant reason is Yixiangshuo is a fundamental aspect of Zhu Zhen's Yi-ology. As demonstrated in the main body of this article, the methodology of Image-Number Theory in Yixiangshuo and its counterpart in Hanshang Yizhuan (漢上易傳) are almost identical. In conclusion, the origin of Image-Number Theory in Cho Hoik's Yixiangshuo can be found in both the Hu Yigui's Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu and Zhu Zhen's Hanshang Yizhuan. In particular, it can be said that its origin can be found in both the 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu and the methodlogy of Image-Number Theory in Hanshang Yizhuan.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.231-241
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• 2021

This study intended to present strategies and implications for attracting new students and customized education to university officials through research on the participation of workers' academic aspirations in university education. Thus, variables were derived by analyzing prior data, and causal settings between variables and questionnaires were developed. Subject to the survey, 331 workers interested in participating in university education were collected through interpersonal interviews. The collected data were dataized, and reliability and feasibility verification and frequency analysis were conducted. Finally, we validate the fit of the structural equation model and the causal relationship for each concept. Therefore, the results of the validation show the following implications. First, university officials should be motivated by a mentor and mentee system with experienced people who have switched to a suitable vocational group through university education. It will also be necessary to develop and disseminate programs so that they can continue to develop themselves for the future. To this end, it will be necessary to help them understand their aptitude and strengths through consultation with experts. Second, university officials should strengthen public relations so that prospective students can know the cases and information of the job transformation of the admitted workers through recommendations. It will also be necessary to develop university education programs that can self-develop, accept various ideas through "public contest", and provide accurate information about university education to workers through re-processing. Third, university officials should provide workers with a program that allows them to catch two rabbits: job transformation and self-improvement through university education. In other words, it is necessary to stimulate the motivation of workers by providing various information such as visiting advanced overseas companies, obtaining various certificates, moving between departments of blue-collar and white-collar, and transfer opportunities. Fourth, university officials should actively promote university education programs related to this by participating in university education and receiving systematic education and the flow of social environment. Finally, university officials will need to consult and promote workers so that they can self-develop when they participate in college education, and they will have to figure out what they need for self-development through demand surveys and analysis.