• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.25
• /
• pp.251-292
• /
• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.71-103
• /
• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.68
• /
• pp.283-317
• /
• 2017

Issues over morality and profit usually address relations between moral principles and material gains. In the history of traditional Oriental philosophy, discussions about them were called "Yi-Li zhi bian." The ideas of Confucius and Mencius also contain various discussions about Yi-Li. Both Confucius and Mencius defined Yi as a value concept to represent "natural," "appropriate" or "just" and regarded Yi as an external moral principle on the one hand and an internal moral emotion on the other hand. They had, at the same time, differences, as well. While Confucius placed importance on the external and acquired nature of Yi as a goal of morality, Mencius argued for the internal and innate nature of Yi as the nature of morality partially while recognizing its externality overall. Such Yi is a general term for subjective moral emotions and objective moral principles. Li was a concept of fact to represent "gain," "profit" or "profit-making." Both of them were against private interest and emphasized public interest. As for their differences, Confucius was positive about Li to some degree by saying "One should think of Yi when making profit," whereas Mencius was almost negative about Li and perceived it to be for Yi by saying "One should give up even his own life for Yi." He meant Li's dependence on Yi and also Yi's absoluteness for Ri. Both of them found a mix of opposite features in Yi such as internality and externality, subjectivity and objectivity, specificity and generality, and uniqueness and universality and also in Li such as individuality and specialty and public and private interest. Those features have both disadvantages including theoretical irrationality and logical contradiction and advantages including ideological diversity and conceptual polysemy. If efforts are made to avoid their disadvantages and highlight their advantages, they will provide some elements to consult in the creation of new global ethics required today when East and West are becoming one. In the modern society, the Yi-Li issues can be divided into the issues of morality and economy, personal and social profit, and moral ideal and material gain. If these modern Yi-Li issues are combined with the traditional Yi-Li issues, two paths will emerge over the order of Yi-Li. Of the many perceptions of Yi-Li issues of Confucius and Mencius, the idea of "Yi First, Li Later" can be very useful for creating a new ethics theory to represent "humanism" that we all need today when everyone considers their own pursuit of profit and satisfaction of needs as the best values. Sound Yi-Li relations will be possible only through Yi's orientation toward externality based on internality and Li's pursuit of private interest on the premise of public interest according to the spirit of "Yi First, Li Later."

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.217-244
• /
• 2008

This research studied Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning("小學枝言") and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind("心經密驗") from the ethical perspective. Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind are writings that play a role of bridge between Chinese classics(經學) and Theory of Statecraft(經世論). These two essays were written for the purpose of putting virtue into practice, which had been attained by studying Chinese classics, through a vehicle called Theory of Statecraft. If Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning called as a book of cultivation of outward morality or outward behavior, then Private Examination of Classic of the Mind is the book for cultivation of inward temperament. The 'practice' emphasized by Dasan through these two essays denotes ceaseless efforts toward goodness or virtue. Such efforts can be interpreted as 'ethical practice', if looked at from the perspective of aggressive struggle toward virtue. Dasan, in these two essays, had stressed to practice Good(善) through positive and lively actions. The matter of Good and Bad(善惡) in humans is not associated with their mind, but related to their practice. That is to say, humans may turn out to be good through means of 'ethical practice'. For Dasan, 'ethical practice' toward Good should have to be continued and upheld not only in the course of self-cultivation, but also in 'establishing relationship' with others. Such an assertion of Dasan was to lay emphasis on accomplishment of 'ethical practice' toward Good amid close relationship between personal and social ethics. Also, Dasan had emphasized free will(自由意志) in humans. This means that Good and Bad will be determined according to humans' free will, and to the same extent, that humans are responsible for its consequence. It is noted that Dasan had stressed that any human having free will should have to be a 'man of virtue'(君子) through means of 'ethical practice'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.39-71
• /
• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.207-224
• /
• 2009

This research is a quest of theories of poetry of Wang Yak-heo who was a literary critic during Chin(金) dynasty in ancient China. Wang Yak-heo left a fine piece of work, dubbed ${\ll}$Honam Yuro Jib${\gg}$ and, in this paper, the author closely reviewed the theories of poetry that is appeared, especially, in the three volumes of ${\ll}$Talks on Chinese Poetry${\gg}$ among the collections of Wang's poetry criticism. In particular, the author investigated the positive and negative aspects of Honam's commentaries on the works by Chinese poets, including his principles of poetics, creative skills, and practical criticism, etc. Wang Yak-heo has not been known much in the history of Chinese literary thoughts, however, his theory of criticism, especially, among the talks on Chinese the works by Chinese poets, his literature criticisms establish unique and distinctive point of views. Wang Yak-heo's poetics, more than anything else, valued nature, meanings, truth, and contents therein. He exhibited realistic view of literature. Meanwhile, he analyzed the methods of expression by Du Bo(杜甫, pronounced, "Du Fu" in Chinese), So Sik, also known as So Dong Pa (蘇軾, Su Shi or 蘇東坡, Su Dong Po in Chinese), and Hwang Jeong-gyeon(黃庭堅, Huang T'ing-chien), and highly evaluated the realistic poems written by Du Bo, Baek Geo-I (白居易, pronounced, "Bai Juyi" in Chinese), and So Sik. Also, he opposed to formalism or externality, however, he never made light of formality of poetry. In his comments on the works by Chinese poets, he highly evaluated the poems sung by So Sik and Beek Geo-I, in the mean time, however, he criticized their works without hesitation. Having set up his own unique criteria for critique, Wang didn't accept other opinions in a seemingly illogical manner, and he presented what he thoughts and other different points of view from others. Specifically, he attached great importance to whether or not modification of words and phrases, grammar, and whole context were congruent to one another and had been well harmonized. However, in his poetics, Wang was so wrapped himself in reasonableness or rationality, he analyzed each and every word in great detailed manner, as the result, he sometimes didn't read the sentiment or mood that the writers intended to express through poems. He excessively restricted himself to the words and phrases, so that he was not able to realize natural emotions and joy of imagination that were presented in the poems, and, in the end, this brought about adverse effects to the poet's thought.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.109-136
• /
• 2012

'Old man' or 'old age' was not the parts of academic discipline in the Joseon era but Yeoheon put it in the philosophical 'problematization' of the learning of the Confucianism. He was argued that the old man or old age is not merely biological decline but it has the goal to achieve. The completion of self is the meaning and end of the life throughout the subjective realization and procedure of attaining the goal step by step. Well-aged old man is affirming the getting old and making the positive changing of old life time in his one sake. This essay is showing the Yeoheon's thought of old aging as the self-realizing well-ageing. Next, it is argued that the predicament of old age or old man is not just social welfare or biological aspects but it is serious philosophical problems. If it was just social or biological aspects then it is just a social phenomenon to approach the view of scientists. However, this is not only life and death and flux of time and relativities but also it is problematizing the self-identification subjectivities. Obviously, it is the significant that the old and or old age is fundamentally philosophical subject rather than social or biological materials. In the third chapter, we are dealing with the views of the life and death of Yeoheon. He was insisted that quite interesting opinion that is the all the lives in the universe include himself is 'a wayfarer'. It looks like a time traveler in the universe; we are just one who stays in a body for awhile. When we follow him, we are living in this universe in a time (disposable) but the same theorem is applying to the whole universe as well myriad creatures. Therefore, man has a job to do as an entity of the universe. Yeoheon was called it is the business as a job and we have to do the Dao till you end. The fourth, Yeoheon was suggested that the old man has his work and business. There are two kind of works for an old man, the former is self control as an old age that is call the old man's job and the latter is staying with the Dao that is called the old man's business. According to Yeoheon, man has charged to realize the law of the universe that means we are the moral entity; therefore we are business to complete ourselves. Old age is decline of physical activities rather than vigorous, therefore, we have to follow our body and self-affirmation of declination is the Dao. The final, Yeoheon was advised that the old man better saved in the current of the Dao, because the physical function is declining but the shining Dao is within the mind in the body. It is motivation of the self-dignity of old man and one who recognizes the work to do even in the old body that he will be the significant among all the society not a lonely old man anymore. Old aging is biological twilight but the considerable real size expertise and self-affirmation is the Dao of old age. We are meditating nowadays in Yeoheon's philosophical context on old man or old aging. By him, the old age is man of dignity as long as he realizes in his Dao through the business and self-affirmation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.385-411
• /
• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.101-110
• /
• 2020

This study was conducted through the analysis of literature and on-site research as a case study of 14 artists' gardens with traditional themes presented at the garden fair. With Focusing on the design process for determining traditional reproduction, the following characteristics and implications were derived by analyzing the design goals, selection of subjects for traditional reenactment, determination of methods for reproduction, and design stages of landscape components. First, the pattern of selecting traditional structures as subjects for reproduction in many artist gardens can be understood as an advantage of being suitable for narrow sites and having remarkable topic communicability. They directly delivered the design intent by adding the names of traditional structures such as Madang, Wool, Buttumak, Jangdokdae, Chuibyeong and Seokgasan. Works expressed indirectly, such as Wall, Korean Garden, Suwon, and Seoul craftsmen, have relatively weak topic communicability. There were also symbolic representations of objects to be reproduced, such as Seonbi, marginal spaces, and Pung-lyu. Second, while reproducing Hanok Madang, separate the gardens paved with grass and stone, the fortress wall of Suwon Hwaseong and the northwest Gongsimdon of the watchtower. Also the garden with a miniature version of the extraneous Yong-yeon and the garden, which was reproduced as a low decorative wall in the rest area based on Nakan-Eupseong Fortress, shows the need for a deep understanding of tradition. On the other hand, the reproducting works of choosing the location of the traditional garden, the Korean Garden showed the importance of systematic arrangement with the surrounding environment, the beauty of the space in the courtyard of Hanok, the beauty of the slowness enjoyed by the scholars and the reenactments of the Pung-lyu culture of Moonlight boating are not only imitating traditional structures but also spreading understanding of tradition to garden culture and sentiment. Third, there were many works that reconstructed the real-size traditional structure in a straightforward way in relation to design. The garden was divided into Chuibyeong and the living space was decorated with Buttumak, chimneys, and gardens, and facilities representing Gyeongbokgung Palace, Soswaewon, and Seoseokji were systemically arranged. However it recognized the importance of selecting the key design elements, constructing the elevation of the structure, and the sense of scale of the space from works that reproduced the large Suwon Hwaseong and Nakan-Eupseong in an abstract way. While there are examples gardens of Hanok yards and Bazawul, which are far from the original image among the gardens that chose the dismantling method, the Blank-space garden expressed only by a frame composed of cubes, and Seonbi's Sarangbang garden, that permeated the moonlight with many traditional structures are the positive examples. The Seoul Artisan Garden, Jikji Simche Garden and Pung-lyu Garden, which display modernly designed landscape components, need an explanation to understand the author's intention.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
• /
• v.64
• /
• pp.203-235
• /
• 2020

The purpose of this study is to identify the degree of social presence perceived by students and to explore the factors that have affected it after practicing Christian Education classes as synchronous distance course due to Covid-19. It is also to suggest effective ways in the aspects of the design and operation to improve social presence. In order to measure social presence and derive influencing factors, research related to synchronous distance class and social presence is summarized through literature review. The researchers also surveyed 58 students in three courses of Christian education major at a University in Gyeonggi-do and conducted in-depth interviews with 6 students. The main findings are as follows: First, the sense of social presence was moderate, the emotional bond was the lowest by sub-factor, the open communication, the sense of community was moderate, and the mutual support and concentration were the highest. Second, factors that had a positive impact on the sense of social reality were group activities, selfintroduction activities, active participation in classes, mutual communication such as Q & A or response to peer learners' opinions during lectures by professors, questions, feedback, etc, and having a smaller number of students. Factors that had a negative impact on the perception of social presence were lack of private conversations, poor participation in classes, lack of communication with each other, and difficulty concentrating. The causes of these negative factors were technical problems and limitations arising from zoom, inconvenience and distracting surroundings, lack of time, and psychological awkwardness. Reflecting the results of the study, orientation to effective synchronous distance course, guidance on smooth communication methods, strengthening the role of professors to promote learning, strengthening group activities and learner-centered activities, and proposing a smaller scale of students were ways that are offered to improve the sense of social presence in synchronous distance courses.