• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제34권
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• pp.172-195
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• 2001

This research on the house folklore in China, Korea, and Japan is focusing on a kitchen God that is common in these three countries. This god originated in China and has subsequently influenced Korea and Japan. Today, all three countries use the same name of this kitchen god which is called Youngwang(竈王) as its name has been spelled in Chinese. In China, this kitchen god has been believed in two different ways. The Han people have developed their belief in Youngwang while another creed has been originated from other ethnic groups. Because of the particular house style with upper stories of ethnic groups in the southern and southeast areas of China, a kitchen fireplace is centered in the house. Han people in China also worship painted depictions of kitchen gods. And the ethnic groups believe it has three stone legs for a fire box. These differing beliefs has bad influenced on Korea and Japan. The kitchen god of Cheju island (off the south Korea coast) is believed to be almost the same as among the ethnic groups in China Interestingly, form of belief in the kitchen god in Okinawa (off the south coast of Japan) is almost identical as in the southern area of China Custom in China. Korea, and Japan regarding the kitchen god symbolized family values healing, initiating a new daughter-in-law to reveging the kitchen god, etc. are all the very similar. A fireplace and its fire are very important and, have many taboo, attached. Existing rich tales of kitchen gods are similar in the three countries. Moreover, people in the three countries, think that the clay or time plaster of the fireplace with bring good luck on New Year's eve. However, Korea kitchen god features one thing that is different from those China and Japan, that is that water symbolizes the kitchen god in Korea. A painted kitchen god as they are popular in China, has influenced only some Buddhist temples in Korea.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제36권
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.733-739
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• 1966

A 371 agricultural households from 26 different communities in South Korea was subjected on a study of food taboos in January of 1966. To the pregnant women, those to whom a high protein diet is particurally important, as many as 14 different kinds of foods, mostly portein rich foods, were avoided to eat. It is believed that if duck is eaten while pregnant her baby may walk like a duck in later life. Some mother have a strong aversion to the rabbit meat that her unborn baby must be a harelip. It is feared to eat chicken, shark or carp by the pregnant mother for her baby may get a gooseflesh appearance, or fish scale-like skin in later life. It is thought that if mother eats soup made of meat borns, especially chicken bones, a disfigured baby may be born. Some area informed that if mother eats crab meat her future baby will always bubble. To the child-bearing mothers 13 different kinds of foods were avoided to eat. Some believe that if raddish kimchi, soybean curd, squash are eaten while dilivery that mother may get dental decay or to lose all her teeth. Other think that highly spiced raddish kimchi cause delivery difficult. To the lactating mothers 7 different items of foods were not recommended to eat. It is a common belief that eating green vegetables, especially fresh lettuce, are restricted that her baby may stool greenish. It is said that eating ginsen-chicken soup, or ginsen tea during lactating reduces breast milk secretion. To the weaning babies 7 different kinds of foods were prohibited to fee. Eggs are not eaten because mothers think her babies will start to talk very late. Eight different items of foods in cases of gastro-intestinal diseases, 5 items for liver disease, 7 items for high blood pressure as well as for paralysis were respectively restricted. It is said that meats including pork, beef, and chicken are neither desirable for the patients of high blood pressure nor those of paralysis. To the measles children 10 varieties of foods were restricted. Especially soybean products and meats were not encouraged to use for avoiding asecond attack of measles. For the common cold 8 different kinds of foods were aversed and men think that eating of soup of undria delays a recovery. For the tuberculosis 4 kinds of foods were prohibited to eat. It is said that wine, red pepper and ginsen will stimulate lung bleeding. Many mothers had a strong aversion to fermented shrimp and fish in case of style. and 5 different items of foods were restricted. In case of menstration not so many foods were restricted as other cases, but meat soup is not eaten in this condition in some areas. Majority of food taboos in Korean villages are neither based on tribal nor religious factors. But no one knows how, since what ages, from where, these food taboos have been transmitted and spread over the country. This survey found a great variety of food taboos, aversions, traditional beliefs and prohibitions latent unknown reseasons, or non-scientific conceptions, or completely different ideas from the modern medical aspect, or somewhat fallacious and superstitious beliefs. For the vascular disease contrasting approach were found between modern the oritical therapy and popular remedy among the rural populations who largely depend on the eastern medication. Further scientific study on either side should be done to lead the patient proper way. Many restricted foods such as rabbit, duck, chicken and fish are best resources of protein rich foods which are available in the village. Emphasis should be laid upon breaking down fallacious and supersititious food taboos through the extended nutrition education activities in order to improve food habit and good eating pattern for healthier and stronger generations of Korea.

• 의료법학
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.113-145
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• 2010

Nowadays, it is surely the quack which stands as one of the most controversial, problematic. the quack has been a consistent target of contested public protection strategies in the past few centuries in many countries. Recently, complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) is increasingly utilized and accepted by patients and providers throughout the health care system in the world, most accounts attribute this growing acceptability to the shortcomings of conventional medicine, the appeal of CAM's core beliefs, and the growing body of research indicating that CAM actually works. However, the governments of western countries have called for measures to ensure that the public are protected from incompetent and dangerous practitioners. Common to these controversies has been a suggestion to ban, exclude or limit the medical practice of those deemed to be damaging rather than improving the health of individuals as a measure of public protection. This article describes the experiences of western counties' health care system which is moving in a more pluralistic direction. By examining the ways in which regulatory efforts in the countries have come to address what is invariably described as a growing interest in CAM, this study show how the problem of CAM/quackery today is increasingly located in an ethical field of practitioner competency, qualifications, conduct, responsibility and personal professional development, regardless of the form of therapy in question. Many countries developed a series of measures and strategies to contain the acceptance of CAM groups, such as insisting on scientific evidence of safety and efficacy, resisting integration of CAM with conventional medicine and opposing government support for research and education. In a sense, those countries' movements serve to protect not only patients, but the dominant position of medicine and its allied professions, and to maintain existing jurisdictional boundaries within the healthcare system. The popular support for CAM will require that health professional stakeholders continue to address the challenges this poses, and at the same time protect their position at healthcare system. To cope with the quack, professional body, public sector and health authorities should consider the safety of consumers of healthcare and responding to the demands of the community for CAM therapies as well as the claims of the established healthcare professions. Finally, some implications for future health care were suggested.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.953-956
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• 2012

Introduction: In order to control the tobacco scourge, an array of measures is required. Among them is focusing on adolescent relationships as it has been shown that being in a close relationship with a smoker or a non smoker will in the long run be a major factor in deciding whether the individual adopts smoking for initial non-smokers or ceases the habit for initial smokers. Objectives: To assess the attitude of youth towards other smokers and towards marrying a smoker. Materials and Methods: A cross-sectional study was carried out among 415 students from five universities in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Self-administered structured questionnaires were used for data collection. The Chi square test was used to detect significant differences between frequencies. Results: Of the 415 participants who provided their gender information, 99 (24%) were males and 314 (76%) were females. Of all the participants, 83.5% were not willing to marry smokers, while 16.5% were willing. Of those whose parents smoked (106) 68% did not like it when their parents smoked, 13.6% had no opinion, 17.5% did not mind, while the other 1% had other thoughts. Of those whose close friends smoked, 43.4% did not like it, 16.2% did not have any opinion, 36.9% did not mind while 3.5% had other thoughts. Conclusion: Most participants, both males and females are not willing to marry smokers and prefer to have non-smokers as spouses. Also, smokers are seen as less attractive by both genders in contrast to what appears as popular beliefs amongst youngsters and what is depicted in tobacco advertisements. Tobacco control activities can be undertaken in the community and colleges by incorporating students as facilitators.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제7호
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• pp.125-163
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• 2009

The artworks of Socialist Realism of the former Soviet Union, with the beginning of the 21st century, are gaining a new attention from art collectors. One reason for this might consist in the fact that relevant art pieces exemplify the ways in which they visualize ideas on the basis of their high-profile art tradition and also in which they integrate their utopian ideals with mysticism. These aspects of the Soviet art goes far beyond the wide-spread assumption that their art, as a means of propaganda, principally represents a political allegiance to the system. With Stalin coming into power in the 1930s, the artistic trend of Socialist Realism obtained a nationwide sympathy and support from people, giving birth to a new art which essentially corresponded to the demands of the political power. An official art current of the USSR over the period from the 1930s to 1950s, Socialist Realism was in tandem with the Communist commitment to the party and popularity, symbolizing a loyalty to the cause. It was thus characterized by plainness and lucidity so that ordinary people could gain easy access to art. Its salient feature, over an entire range of art, was an optimistic pursuit of a utopian dream. Therefore, it tallied with the popular sentiment for a Communist paradise, giving form to their beliefs in human agency working at the materialist world and also to such abstract concepts as force, fitness, and beauty by adding even mythical ideals. Its main subject matter includes harvest feasts of collective farms, imaginary socialist cities, grand marches of heroic laborers and in this way it served as a propaganda for a sacred utopia of socialist totalitarianism. On the other end of the spectrum, however, rose the second camp of art, which put an emphasis on bona-fide artistic activities of plastic art and on an artist's personal expression and freedom, as opposed to the surface optimism of Socialist Realism. Central to the Russian Avant Garde art, which prized the above-mentioned values, were Malevich's Geometric Abstraction and A. Rodchenko's Constructivism. Furthermore, in the transitional era of the late 20th century and the 21st century it was recognized that film art or electronic media art, rather than traditional genre of paintings, would function as a more efficient way of propaganda. These new genres were made possible by ridiculing the stereotypes of the Russian lifestyle and also by ignoring ethical or professional dimensions of artworks. That is, they reinvented themselves into a sort of field art, seemingly degrading the quality of artworks and transforming them into artifacts or simulacres in the very sense of post-modernism. The advent of the new era brought about the formation and occupation of pop culture of the younger generations, calling into question the idea of art as the class-determined. It also increased the attention to field art, which extensively found way to modern art centers, galleries, and exhibition projects. It can be stated that this was a natural outcome of human nature.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제45권1호
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• pp.63-73
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• 2007

Korean children's clothes have unique aesthetic characteristics distinguished from other countries'. Our folk beliefs handed down from ancient times always contained fortune - seeking thoughts and particularly mothers' earnest wishes for the happiness of their children were sublimated into the symbolic beauty of their children's clothes. The present study examined children's clothes in the royal family and among the people for 50 years of the transitional period from the late Joseon Dynasty to modern times, by classifying them into ritual dress for new-born babies, festival dress and everyday dress. Male children's clothes included caps such as Bokgeon(복건), Hogeon(호건) and Gulle(굴레) topcoats such as Durumagi(두루마기), Sagyusam(사규삼) Koija(쾌자) and Jeonbok(전복) and others such as Magoja(마고자), Baeja(배자), Joggi(조끼) and Bajijeogori(바지저고리), Female children's clothes included caps and head ornaments such as Gulle, Jobawi(조바위) and Daenggi(댕기) and others such as Durumagi, Jegori and Chima(치마). What is interesting is that old clothes handed down to the present are mostly boys' and few of them are girls'. This is probably because of the strong preference for boys rather than girls that continued until the end of the 20th century. Ordinary people dressed their new - born babies with simple white clothes until Samchilil (the 21st day) or Baekil (the 100thday) but, for these occasions, the royal family prepared clothes as formal as those for the $1^{st}$ birthday among the public. Rainbow-striped garments were more popular among the public than in the royal family. As rainbow colors were known to Korean people to dispel evil power and bring in fortunes, rainbow - striped garments were essential for the $1^{st}$ birthday and festive days. However, they were seldom used in ordinarytimes, and most boys and girls wore plain jackets and plain topcoats. When children's clothes in noble families were compared with royal family's ones, either handed down to the present or found in old literature, no significant difference was observed in the basic composition of everyday dress. In particular, it was found that Andong Kim's family had dressed their children with very formal dress such as Dopo and Sagyusam. Among children's clothes, the most gorgeous one was that worn on the $1^{st}$ birthday, and those for other occasions or festive days were similar or simpler. Colors, patterns and designs used in decorating children's clothes mostly had the meanings of seeking fortunes for children such as long life, wealth and prosperity.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제45집
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• pp.187-226
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• 2023

디지털 미디어를 통해서 일상을 살아가는 시대에 종교활동은 어떻게 변화하고 있을까? 서구의 디지털 종교나 디지털 원주민의 종교활동에 대한 연구를 보면 전통적인 종교활동이 퇴조하고 가볍고 쉬운 형태의 종교활동이나 관념이 부상한다고 한다. 한국에서도 비슷한 현상이 벌어지고 있는지 알아볼 필요가 있다. 본 연구는 바로 그러한 의문을 가지고 온라인 환경에서 한국 사람들의 종교적 활동과 표현 양상을 살펴본다. 본 연구에서는 크게 네 가지의 종교(적) 활동 및 종교적 표현에 주목한다. ①교단 종교(개신교, 불교, 가톨릭)의 온라인 종교활동, ②비교단 종교(사주, 타로 등)와 관련된 온라인 종교활동, ③온라인 성지와 소원 댓글(채팅), ④ 유행했던 종교적 신조어(지름신, 갓생). 이러한 검토를 통해서 디지털 미디어의 특성에 종교적 관념과 실천 양상이 제약되는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 이것은 단순한 형태의 종교적 관념과 활동의 부상이 디지털 미디어 및 디지털 콘텐츠 소비 특성과 상관성이 있음을 시사한다.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.75-97
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• 2013

While good return policies are suggested as one of the critical services for e-commerce, ambivalence between the burden of the cost and shoppers' satisfaction may prevent e-tailers from increasing their level of leniency. Based on the S-O-R model, this study has attempted to develop a grounded theory to explain how lenient return policies shape online shoppers' perceptions and responses, with a focus on cultural influences in the relationship. In order to check the cultural effects of the lenient return policy, thirty two female and eleven male undergraduate students in South Korean shoppers, who are accustomed to strict return policies, participated in the semi-structured interview. A series of open-ended questions were designed to explore consumers' reactions toward four different levels of the lenient return policy: from the strict type in South Korea to the lenient type in the U.S. Using qualitative research methods, this research has defined three types of dimensions of lenient return policy: return possible period, complexity of progress, and other restrictions. While previous researchers did not pay much attention, the last dimension, other restrictions, is shown to be the most significant in influencing online shoppers' perceptions, especially in South Korea. Also, the impacts on online shoppers' perceptions from the three types of sub-dimensions of return policy were somewhat different. Whereas a longer return possible period was considered more favorable, a medium level of complexity and restrictions were considered more desirable. In summary, this result showed that shoppers in Eastern cultures, i.e. South Korean online shoppers, seem favorable to a medium level of lenient return policies, while allowing for taking precautions against possible fraudulent behaviors and setting other restrictions. Therefore, most of retailers in South Korea recommended that e-tailers who adopt the most lenient return policies raise the bar to guard ethical shoppers from fraudulent users. Next, lenient return policies can enhance ease of use, usefulness, affect, and trust while relieving perceived risk, which is connected to intention to purchase, satisfaction, and loyalty. Interestingly, lenient return policies are more likely to change the behavioral responses of online shoppers, such as return and purchase, rather than change their attitudes or beliefs such as image, satisfaction, and loyalty. This tendency can be seen more clearly in the direct influences of return policy on responses. The reaction to lenient return policy is mostly the intention to return or to purchase. This suggests that return policy serves the e-tailers as a powerful tool in increasing online shoppers' purchase intention at the moment of purchase. Therefore, e-tailers who plan to expand their market to eastern countries, including South Korea, have to build a shield of restrictions around their lenient return policy, rather than immediately applying their original liberalized return policy. Also, e-tailers in South Korea need to review their strict and undifferentiated return policies to deal with the unsatisfied reactions of online shoppers toward their normal return policies. Although the present study was confined to the return policies currently being practiced by popular e-tailers, it would be worthwhile to develop effective return policies separately for each country, especially South Korea, keeping the culture of the relevant country in mind.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.53-81
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• 2000

신라 말 선종계열 사찰을 대표하는 구산선문(九山禪門)의 개산(開山)은 지방문화의 발흥과 자신감의 표현이었으며 지방 호족들의 사회 경제적 기반을 토대로 한 것이었다. 선종(禪宗)이 유행하던 시기에 주로 재창되었던 구산선문의 입지 특색은 풍수적 논리를 따른 것이다. 풍수가 성행하기 이전에 건립된 사찰들은 주로 전통적인 토착신앙 세력들이 신성시하던 성소, 성지(聖所, 聖地)를 택해 입지했고, 신라의 경우 왕성의 도심 곳곳에 사찰이 수없이 많이 건립되었다. 이후 신라말기에 선종의 유행으로 인해 선종사찰들이 많이 건립되고 풍수도 본격적으로 성행하게 되어 사찰의 입지에 풍수논리가 뒷받침되기 시작했다. 구산선문이 개산(開山)하기 이전의 사찰은 주로 삼산, 오악(三山, 五岳) 등의 영지(靈地)개념에 따른 입지가 많았으나 구산선문은 당시로서는 변방이라 할 수 있는 지역으로 확대되어 독립적인 산문을 재창하였다. 구산선문 각 사찰의 경우 산과 물이 짜임새 있게 조화를 이루고 있어 풍수지리적인 전체성이 잘 드러나고 있다. 각 사찰은 계곡물이 모여 완만히 감싸는 곳, 물을 얻기 용이하면서도 산이 사방으로 들러쳐진 아늑한 곳, 즉 풍수에서 길지(吉地)로 여기는 '산에 기대고 물에 접한' 땅에 입지하여 풍수적인 조건을 잘 갖추고 있다. 구산선문은 주로 분지상의 지세에 입지하였으며 사찰의 축선(軸線)은 지형(내룡(來龍)의 맥세(脈勢))에 따라 이루어졌다. 각 사찰에서 나타나는 장소의 약점은 풍수적인 비보책(裨補策)을 통해 보완하였다.