• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권4호
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• pp.207-225
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• 2019

Despite a vast amount of research on the relationship between personality traits and political attitudes, little is known about the effects of personality on individuals' support for the political system of their own country. Using three nationally representative datasets from South Korea, the present study shows that the personality dimensions - particularly, Agreeableness - are positively associated with political support, which encompasses confidence in the presidency, confidence in the government, and national pride. These findings suggest that two facets of Agreeableness - trust and compliance - are activated in expressing individuals' support for their political system. Thus, mobilizing citizens who score high on Agreeableness is essential to maintain political stability and legitimacy, but such a task appears to be difficult, given that ideological polarization discourages them from being politically active due to their propensity to conflict avoidance.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제24권5호
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• pp.217-223
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• 2024

The current study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of using Support Vector Machine (SVM) for political affiliation classification. The system was designed to analyze the political tweets collected from Twitter and classify them as positive, negative, and neutral. The performance analysis of the SVM classifier was based on the calculation of metrics such as accuracy, precision, recall, and f1-score. The results showed that the classifier had high accuracy and f1-score, indicating its effectiveness in classifying the political tweets. The implementation of SVM in this study is based on the principle of Structural Risk Minimization (SRM), which endeavors to identify the maximum margin hyperplane between two classes of data. The results indicate that SVM can be a reliable classification approach for the analysis of political affiliations, possessing the capability to accurately categorize both linear and non-linear information using linear, polynomial or radial basis kernels. This paper provides a comprehensive overview of using SVM for political affiliation analysis and highlights the importance of using accurate classification methods in the field of political analysis.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.180-196
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• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Korea Trade Review
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• 제46권5호
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• pp.131-152
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• 2021

Political connections may facilitate firms' exporting activities, particularly in developing countries, because politically connected firms may be more likely to receive informational and financial support, allowing them to overcome barriers to export. We test this hypothesis using a unique, firm-level dataset from traditional apparel and textile clusters in the Red River Delta Region in Northern Vietnam. We find that political connection of certain types increases the chance of receiving valuable information or financial support from the government. Moreover, those firms that have access to government information have higher chances of being direct exporters. However, firms that receive financial support from the government are not necessarily engaged in exporting activities. Although politically connected firms are more willing to export, they do not necessarily engage in more exporting activities than firms without such connections. These results suggest that the misallocation of information and financial resources to politically connected but insufficiently productive firms leads to a failure to promote exporting activities. In contrast, political connection increases the chance of importing materials and parts, possibly because high productivity is necessary for exporting, but not for importing.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to observe whether intergenerational differences exist in support among major Korean political parties and, if so, how they exist, based on the results of the survey conducted nationwide. To achieve the purpose of the study, a questionnaire was prepared based on conjoint analysis, and the collected data was analyzed by applying a random parameter logit model. The main results of model analysis are summarized as follows. First, among the policy variables, statistically significant results were observed in the generation of 20s and 30s for the education variable. It was found that both 20s and 30s aimed for equal education at a higher level than other generations. Especially, the highest intensity aim for equal education culture was observed in the 20s. Second, the coefficients of major political parties were observed with a high level of statistical significance. This appears to be a result suggesting that voters decide on their voting behavior through thorough policy comparisons in addition to comprehensive consideration on various current issues. Third, a clear support for conservative parties was observed in the generation of 20s. A clear and intense distribution of preference for political parties classified as conservatives was observed in the 20s generation, which can be said to be mainly college students. This seems to be a profound founding related to the issue of "conservatization of the 20s," which has recently become a hot topic in Korean society. Fourth, a high level of support for progressive parties was observed in the 30s and 40s. The Justice Party can be classified as a minority party in the National Assembly House as of January 2019. Nevertheless, it was maintained at a relatively high level in national recognition, and it is presumed that the background was high level of support from the 30s and 40s. Fifth, a large level of standard deviation was observed in the preference for conservative parties in the 50s. This means that some respondents who are in their 50s or older strongly support the Liberty Korea Party, and some respondents in the same generation strongly disapprove it. Due to this countervailing power, it seems that the average support level for the Liberal Korean Party is low in the generations of 50s and older.?

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.149-160
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• 2013

In this study, it propose what the landscape elements is to be improved urgently and how to improve landscape by reflecting the rural village characteristics away from the spatial integrated landscape planning. The study area for landscape research is selected as the 9 rural villages in Chungcheongbuk-do, and research is done by using village unit landscape diagnostic index(VULDI). the result is shown that average VULDI value of the rural village zones is bigger than one of the town village zones with difference of 15%. Two zones of Chilseong-myeon and Sangchon-myeon among the town village zones are appeared to be similar with the rural village zones in landscape level by VULDI value. Generally, the rural villages to maintain the good landscape have the low population and high engagement rate in agriculture. Looking political support criteria at the landscape level, the seven zones except Deoksan-myeon and Maengdong-myeon have high VULDI value more than 60%, which means that it seems unnecessary to support political landscape improvement. However, when it is divided into two parts of the village inside landscape and the surrounding landscape, 8 rural village zones except one zone of Sangchon-myeon have low VULDI value less than 60%, which means it is necessary to support political landscape improvement. It is important to give the intensive support of ever urgent landscape improvements and high priority landscape elements on the results of the diagnostic before planning of the rural landscape formation.

• Human Ecology Research
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• 제53권2호
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• pp.131-141
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to examine a potential association between community factors and the establishment of Local Healthy Family Support Centers (LHFSCs). Community factors were population size, community size, local finance independency, number of workplaces per 1,000 people, number of colleges, political party affiliation of mayor, and political party affiliation of congressman. Data of this study were collected from the census indicators of 222 communities from 2004 to 2014 and analyzed by frequency, mean, geographical information system mapping, and the binary logit analysis. The results of this study are as follows. First, LHFSCs are less likely to be established in communities in the provinces of Gangwon, Chungbuk, and Gyeongbuk. Second, the population size was positively related to the establishment of LHFSCs. Third, finance independency was positively associated with the establishment of LHFSCs. Forth, a mayor was more likely to establish LHFSCs if they were affiliated with the ruling conservative political party. However, the establishment of LHFSCs was not affected by other factors such as community scale, number of workplaces per 1,000 people, the number of colleges, and party affiliation of congressman. Thus, the conclusion suggests family policy implications to improve the geographical imbalance of LHFSCs based on the analysis results.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제62권3호
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.