• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권12호
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• pp.21-31
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• 2020

This study investigates the dynamic effects of economic development, international cooperation, electricity consumption, and political risk on the escalation of CO₂ emission in Vietnam. We adopted autoregressive distributed lag model and Granger causality method to examine the interaction between CO₂ and various economic and political factors, including foreign direct investment, trade openness, economic growth, manufacture, electricity consumption, and political risk in Vietnam since the economic revolution in 1986. The findings reflect opposite influence between these factors and the level of CO₂ in the intermediate and long-term durations. Accordingly, foreign direct investment and CO₂ emission have a bidirectional relationship, in which foreign direct investment accelerates short-term CO₂ emission, but reduces it in the long run through an interactive mechanism. Moreover, economic development increases the volume of CO₂ emission in both short and long run. There was also evidence that political risk has a negative effect on the environment. Overall, the findings confirm lasting negative environmental effects of economic growth, trade liberalization, and increased electricity consumption. These factors, with Granger causality, mutually affect the escalation of CO₂ in Vietnam. In order to control the level of CO₂, more efforts are required to improve administrative transparency, attract high-quality foreign investment, and decouple the environment from economic development.

• Journal of East Asia Management
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.1-19
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• 2022

This study suggests an integrated theoretical framework for the relationship between political risk and multinational corporation (MNC) subsidiary's performance in the emerging market. The political risk would have a negative impact on MNC subsidiary's performance in the emerging countries that are developing in Asia, the Commonwealth of Independent States, Africa, and South America. The major reason is that political risks could generate a loss of benefit or a loss of control for MNC's subsidiary. In this study, I suggest that corporate social responsibility (CSR) strategy would be a solution to overcome various political risks. Specifically, the affiliated firms with diversified industries or greater financial resources could mitigate the negative impact of political risk than unaffiliated firms. Because they can use their tangible or nontangible asset such as information, technology, and construction in order to gain legitimacy and trust from local government, local community, and local firms in the emerging market. Finally, I claimed the costs of the affiliated firms would exceed the benefits at the initial stages, while the benefits of affiliated firms would exceed the costs over time when political risks become higher. The reason is that the trust gained from local stakeholders accumulates over time and the impact of CSR strategy would become an important solution to overcome the risks in and unstable context.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• 제15권4호
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• pp.9-20
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• 2023

In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, the importance of collective efforts in promoting health preventive behaviors is accentuated, bringing sociopolitical factors into focus. To fully capture psychological drivers of health preventive behaviors in risk situations, anchored on the Model of Risk Information Seeking and Processing (RISP; Griffin, Dunwoody, and Neuwirth 1999), in retrospect of the recent COVID-19 pandemic, we explored whether and how individuals' vaccination behaviors are predicted by RISP-related variables (information insufficiency, affective responses, perceived information gathering capacity, subjective norms) and one's political identity. Findings from a survey of 705 adult participants in the U.S. showed that the effects of one's risk information insufficiency on his or her information seeking and affective response regarding the pandemic, which is also related to their risk susceptibility perceptions. More importantly, the impact of political identity on one's perceived risk susceptibility, and its association with vaccination behaviors are also identified. The findings of this study provide valuable insights for the development of effective health communication strategies for preventive health behaviors.

• 산학경영연구
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.105-122
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• 2007

해외직접투자는 국내투자와는 달리, 프로젝트를 수행하는 기업에게 사업위험의 정도를 증가시킬 뿐만아니라, 비사업위험에서 정치적 위험과 환위험 등의 추가 위험을 초래한다. 본 연구는 정치적 위험의 식별 및 평가를 위해 위험과 불확실성의 구분을 기초로 정치적 위험의 차원을 규명하고, 정치적 위험의 평가모형을 개발한다. 그리고 평가모형의 적용방법을 스프레드시트를 통해 제시하고, 정치적 위험의 충격과 정치적 위험 발생가능성의 변화에 따른 요구수익률 변화의 민감도 분석을 수행한다. 본 연구는 정치적 위험의 충격이 부정적인 경우에도 투자유치국 현지시장의 수익률변화에 대한 정치적 충격의 발생 가능성 변화에 따라 요구수익률이 감소하는 상황을 설명하고, 정치적 위험의 차원에 따른 손실의 형태를 체계적으로 규명하여 정치적 위험의 평가를 용이하게 할 수 있도록 하였다.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제22권8호
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• pp.37-53
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• 2024

Purpose: Global warming is increasingly aggravated by environmental degradation, a challenge that can be mitigated through strategic logistic policies. This study introduces the dynamics of green trade in environmental goods for the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) nations. It is a region known for its high environmental degradation, political risk and instability. This study examines how technological innovation and political factors influence the geographic distribution of green trade among OIC nations from 1994 to 2021 using the structural gravity model. The COVID-19 pandemic further emphasised the need for resilient and eco-friendly approaches. Research design, data and methodology: The main objective of the study is to analyse the impact of technological innovation along with scrutinising political determinants of green trade in the OIC region from 1994 to 2021 using the structural gravity model. Results: The results reveal geographic proximity, RTA, and innovation significantly boost green trade. Similarly, OIC's green trade performance has been impeded by high political risk and instability. Conclusions: The research recommends fostering political stability, and conducting further research using longitudinal studies and machine learning to strengthen the understanding of innovation and green trade in the OIC. This will inform policies for sustainable economic growth through green trade.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제24권5호
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• pp.217-223
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• 2024

The current study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of using Support Vector Machine (SVM) for political affiliation classification. The system was designed to analyze the political tweets collected from Twitter and classify them as positive, negative, and neutral. The performance analysis of the SVM classifier was based on the calculation of metrics such as accuracy, precision, recall, and f1-score. The results showed that the classifier had high accuracy and f1-score, indicating its effectiveness in classifying the political tweets. The implementation of SVM in this study is based on the principle of Structural Risk Minimization (SRM), which endeavors to identify the maximum margin hyperplane between two classes of data. The results indicate that SVM can be a reliable classification approach for the analysis of political affiliations, possessing the capability to accurately categorize both linear and non-linear information using linear, polynomial or radial basis kernels. This paper provides a comprehensive overview of using SVM for political affiliation analysis and highlights the importance of using accurate classification methods in the field of political analysis.

• 무역학회지
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• 제43권1호
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• pp.177-197
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• 2018

본 연구는 투자 대상국의 외부 불확실성이 다국적 기업의 해외진출 유형에 미치는 영향을 실증 분석하였다. 외부 불확실성 요인으로는 투자 대상국의 부패 정도와 정치적 위험 지수를 이용하였고, 해외진출 유형으로는 인수합병(M&A)과 그린필드 FDI(Greenfield foreign direct investment)를 고려하였다. 본 연구의 관심변수인 부패와 정치적 위험과 관련해서는 부패 수준이 낮고 정치적으로 안정될수록 M&A 투자가 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 그러나 그린필드 FDI와 관련해서는 정치적 안정 변수만이 통계적으로 유의미한 양(+)의 값을 갖는 것으로 분석되었다. 이에 따라, M&A 유형은 부패와 정치적 위험 수준 모두에 민감하게 반응하지만, 그린필드 FDI는 투자 결과에 따라 사후적으로 매몰비용의 성격을 포함하므로 부패 수준보다는 투자 대상국의 정치적 안정성을 의미있고 강력하게 고려하는 것으로 추론된다.

• 무역학회지
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• 제46권3호
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• pp.119-133
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• 2021

After 'Zhou Chuchu (走出去, Go global)' in the early 2000s, and with the 'One-to-One Road' initiative in 2012, China's Overseas Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) has increased significantly, resulting in high academic interest. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of national risks of home country on China's OFDI by using data from 49 countries along the 'One-to-One Road' between 2007 and 2018, and to compare the factors of national risks that attract investment from the world. As a result of the study, market economy companies' perceptions of national risks are mostly negative, so risk acts as a deterrent to investment. On the other hand, national risks of home countries have had positive effects on China's OFDI, which would mean that Chinese investors, mostly state-owned enterprises have a high tendency to invest in regions or countries with high national risks. Other economic factors, such as the size of the investment partner country's market, GNI per capita, and trade openness, had a positive (+) effect, and natural resources had a negative (-) effect on China's OFDI. As dummy variables, FTA, which is an economic and diplomatic factor, SCO, which is a political and diplomatic factor, and bordering which is a geographical factor, were also found to have a positive (+) effect. This study implies the investment pattern of China's OFDI is due to the characteristics of China's unique geopolitical and economic system, and it is judged to be influenced by political and strategic factors, especially the aspects led by state-owned enterprises.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권11호
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• pp.1097-1104
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• 2020

This research seeks to provide evidence about how political connections, proxied by government ownership and the existence of politically connected board members, affect the extent of corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosures in Indonesian listed companies. This research uses the legitimacy theory as a basis for explaining management's motivation for disclosing its CSR. The sample consists of 131 firm-year observations from 38 non-financial public companies that published sustainability reports from 2013 to 2017. We measured the CSR disclosures using a disclosure checklist on the sustainability reports. We subsequently processed the data using a random effect (RE) linear regression. The result shows that CSR disclosures were greater in government-owned companies but lower in companies that have politically connected board members. The results support the legitimacy theory that the government intends to demonstrate legitimate national economic and political conditions by showing that government-owned companies are sustainable. However, CSR disclosures seem to have a substitutive relationship with the existence of politically connected board members, since those political connections may protect the company from public pressure and/or the risk of litigation, reducing the need for CSR disclosures. This research provides evidence that different types of political connections may have different impacts on corporate disclosures.