• 한국항해항만학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국항해항만학회 1997년도 Proceedings of KIN-CIN Joint Symposium 97 on Safety of Shipping and History of Maritime Communication between Korea and China around 9th Century
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• pp.217-221
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• 1997

The relationship between Tang and Silla was closer than other countries and districts of North-east Asia. At Tang Dynasty, Dispatching the formal envoy between them had 160times by record in the hitory chronicle(which has 104 times before the middle 8th. Ad century , then 56times). The traffic between Tand and Silla based on seaway, because the relationships of GaoLi, Silla and Baiji fell foul of each other at 625 AD, GalLi had blocked the land way from Silla to Tand. The marine trade , development in political association bwtween Tand and Silla, was occupied by personal marine trade gradually which accompanied with the Tang empire.

• 토지주택연구
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.145-152
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• 2013

This paper addresses the relationship between public housing tenure and social disadvantage. The research examines social capital levels among public tenants in Australia, concentrating on their level of interpersonal trust and confidence in a range of public institutions. Through multivariate analyses of national survey data it also profiles the social and political background of public housing tenants. Although public housing tenants have access to secure and affordable housing, they appear to be less trusting and 'happy' than private renters or homeowners, and exhibit less confidence in some institutions such as the Australian parliament, universities and the ABC (the Australian public television broadcaster). These results probably reflect the residualised nature of public housing in Australia and indicate that public tenants are likely to be 'alienated' from certain aspects of mainstream culture. However, public tenants have higher levels of confidence than homeowners in the Australian defence forces and trade unions. So public housing may 'shore up' confidence and social capital in some areas, and levels of trust would be lower if public housing was not available to disadvantaged citizens.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.138-156
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• 2021

The aim of this article is to describe direction of Sino-Russian relations toward a new epoch - as the decision-making centers of both countries define them - indicating the commitment to building the future international order. It includes the synthesis of evolution of relations, descriptions of cooperation building of mutual confidence by both sides in variety of institutions; analyses of geo-economic relations emphasizing their geostrategic dimension and finally dynamics showing how two great powers want to achieve new areas of cooperation focused on building multipolar world order which is the essence of "new epoch". The argument goes towards recognizing the relationship as a "hhybrid alliance". This hybridity is a structural factor that can constrain the use of new dimensions of asymmetric interdependence as political leverage especially by United States against the two non-western powers but also facilitate to use it against West.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제20권
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• pp.211-224
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• 2010

In David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly and Shirley Lim's Joss and Gold, two Asian-American texts exploring the relationship between America and Asia, the classic Orientalist motif of the infinitely submissive oriental female is reworked to articulate an Asian response to American hegemony. Both works mobilize the Asian female as a figure of contestation to destabilize and reconceptualize the patriarchal and Orientalist strategies of Western cultural and political domination. This paper explores the tactically different though strategically similar counter-discursive moves adopted in the two works to suggest a broader cultural realignment in Asian-American relations.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.327-349
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• 2008

이 논문은 황혼선거와 대통령 소속정당의 선거이득 사이에 어떠한 상관관계가 있는가를 분석하고 그 이론적 함의를 규명한다. 이 논문은 2007년 한국에서 개헌과 관련한 논쟁이 한창일 때 선거주기에 따라 이득을 보는 정당이 발생할 수 있다는 문제의식이 형성되어 일단 다양한 선거주기 가운데 황혼선거와 집권당의 선거이득 사이에 어떠한 관계가 발생하는지 학술적인 호기심을 가지고 체계적으로 분석한다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위하여 먼저 이 논문은 관련된 주제에 대한 선행연구의 이론적인 성과를 고찰한다. 그 다음으로 이 논문은 러시아와 콜롬비아의 황혼선거를 사례로 분석해본다. 마지막으로 이 논문은 연구의 결과와 의의를 요약한다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.215-233
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• 2016

In 2003, the differing stances about the war in Iraq created a major diplomatic crisis among European countries. Considering various clues which have steadily emerged, this paper refutes the relevance of the debate about weapons of mass destruction and analyses the real motivations for these distinct positions through Europe: the role of the US in the transatlantic relationship, expectations towards the EU and the weight of public opinion. Then, it examines how these intrinsic divergences of political views and interests explain the difficulties encountered in implementing the European Security and Defence Policy and concludes on the keys issues which need to be addressed.

• 영어영문학
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• 제64권4호
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• pp.617-628
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• 2018

The aim of this essay is to discuss the relationship between Korean literature and Korean intellectual scenes. Since its first introduction to the local context, literature as a genre has served as a field in which colonial and post-colonial intellectuals have attempted to win the accreditation of Western enlightenment. Literature has been regarded as a crucial instrument of liberal arts and education in Korea. Literature has functioned as a social movement in Korea since its inception. During the colonial period, radical intellectuals and literary writers published essays and articles in literary journals. This status as a social movement is still a distinctive characteristic of Korean literature. From the outset, Korean literature has functioned as an enlightenment project for cultural development. As such, Korean literature retains a political meaning of "literariness," which reshuffles the hierarchy of the sensible and creates novelty against given aesthetic regimes. As a result, in the process these regimes are thereby de-purified of their status as purely aesthetic movements; their perspectives thereby come into contact with other discourses and practices outside the art world. This essay argues that as a genre, Korean literature always functions as "world literature" in Korean intellectual scenes.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권6호
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• pp.1173-1198
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• 2011

In this paper, I discuss Chaucer's Clerk's Tale by viewing the relationship between Walter and Griselda as that of a medieval translator and his translation. My major concern is how a medieval translation can serve power, more specifically the consolidation of power under particular historical circumstances. The motive and the process of Walter's creative translation of Griselda are closely examined to show that his translation, which includes a creation of a new Griselda as a pinnacle of wifely virtue of patience, is performed as a form of political propaganda, ultimately aimed at strengthening his governing power over his people and land. My discussion of the Clerk's Tale ends with the comparison of the two translators, Walter and the Clerk, the latter of whom is an example of an unsuccessful translator for his lack of creation in the translation.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제67권
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• pp.7-34
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• 2014

본 연구에서는 국민정부에서 실용정부에 이르기까지 정권 교체에 따라 신문사 조직과 방송사 조직을 이사진과 실무진으로 구분, 조직 내, 조직 간의 특성을 밀도 분석과 분포 분석, 대응 일치 분석 등을 통해 분석함으로써 한국의 언론 환경에서 형성되어 온 사회적 네트워크 특성과 그 변화 경향이 정권 교체에 따라 어떠한 특성과 변화 경향을 보이고 있는지를 살펴보고자 하였다. 본 연구에서는 앞서 설정한 시점에서 과연 연고 조직의 영향력이 여전히 지속될 수 있는 여건을 유지하고 있는지를 살펴봄으로써 국내 언론사가 내집단 중심의 폐쇄적인 특징으로부터 벗어나 공동체 중심의 사회적 자본으로 전환될 수 있는 환경 변화 가능성을 모색하는데 집중하고자 하였다. 분석 대상으로 설정한 정권에서, 밀도와 분포 분석을 통한 집중 경향과 대응일치분석 방법을 통해 위치 분석 등 다각도의 방법론을 토대로 분석한 결과, 참여정부에서는 국민정부에서와는 달리 변화 경향을 엿볼 수 있었지만, 실용정부에서는 참여정부 이전 정권에서의 사회적 네트워크 특성과 유사한 형태로 회귀하는 경향을 보이고 있다는 점이 특징적으로 분석되었다.

• 복식
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• 제66권3호
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• pp.32-50
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to reveal the process of enactment and revision, the contents of the police uniform system by the Government-General of Joseon, and to examine the relationship between the uniform system and the ruling policies of Imperialist Japan. The research methodology involved document research of official gazettes that published legislation on the police uniform system. Political background was referenced from various preceding studies. The research results are as follows. The Japanese invasion of Korea, in regards to the police, appeared as infiltrations through the three routes of consular police, temporary military police, and inside the Korean police. Each organization had different uniform systems, and after the installation of the Japanese police in 1907, the uniform system of high level officers of the Korea police was changed to the Japanese-style. After the installation of the Government-General of Joseon in 1910, a police uniform system was not enacted until 1918, with the exception being made for police officers due to the military police system. The 'Police Officer Uniform System of the Government-General of Joseon' enacted in 1918 stood out for its golden insignia on solidly colored fabric, which effectively indicated rank, as well as the Japanese flag pattern and the cherry blossom pattern, which symbolized imperialist Japan, on the cap badge and insignia. The 1918 uniform system had many differences from the Japanese system of the time in terms of design, perhaps due to the political autonomy of the governor-general. The 1918 uniform system was completely revised in 1932. This uniform system was modified in various ways. The system was almost identical to the Japanese system at that time. This is the result of Japan's intent to dominate Korea, which involved assimilating Korea into Japan with the purpose of conducting a full-fledged invasion of the continent after the Manchurian Incident.