• Title/Summary/Keyword: political party

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A Comparative Study on the Politico-Social Characteristics of Education Welfare Invest Priority Zone Plan, Korea with the Cases in UK and France (영국과 프랑스의 교육복지사업 비교연구를 통해서 본 우리나라 교복투사업의 정치사회학적 성격)

  • Kang, Soon Won
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.22 no.4
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 2012
  • This comparative study attempts to explore in what politico-social context 'Education Welfare Invest Priority Zone Plan' has been developed and to find politico-social implications of Korean EWIPZP through critically comparing the cases of UK and France. Korean financial crisis brought up the importance of 'Education Welfare' turning into a concrete system, 'EWIPZP' in 2003. This educational welfare policy has expanded since 2005 up to now by the changed name of 'Education Welfare Priority Plan' in 2008, that is structurally different from the original framework which was to support schools in educationally disadvantaged areas. Even the cases of EAZ in UK and ZEP in France started by progressive political parties and established on the ground of 'equity' philosophy, turned into the excellence-based equality policy confronting with the harsh condition of neo-liberalistic global economy under the conservative regime. So does Korea under the critics against this tendency. Comparing Korean case with the cases in UK and France, the current Education Welfare Priority Policy in Korea should be back to the original principle of educational equity and transform into the bottom-up bilateral cooperation model from the top-down model by the authorized party itself in order not to be manipulated politically.

Yu Won-Ji's Philosophical Theory and His Vindication of Toegye's Learning (졸재 유원지의 심성론과 퇴계학설 옹호)

  • Kim, Yong-Hun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.33
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    • pp.305-334
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    • 2008
  • This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

An Empirical Analysis of the Determinants of Defense Cost Sharing between Korea and the U.S. (한미 방위비 분담금 결정요인에 대한 실증분석)

  • Yonggi Min;Sunggyun Shin;Yongjoon Park
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.10 no.1
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    • pp.183-192
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    • 2024
  • The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze the determining factors (economy, security, domestic politics, administration, and international politics) that affect the ROK-US defense cost sharing decision. Through this, we will gain a deeper understanding of the defense cost sharing decision process and improve the efficiency of defense cost sharing calculation and execution. The scope of the study is ROK-US defense cost sharing from 1991 to 2021. The data used in the empirical analysis were various secondary data such as Ministry of National Defense, government statistical data, SIPRI, and media reports. As an empirical analysis method, multiple regression analysis using time series was used and the data was analyzed using an autoregressive model. As a result of empirical research through multiple regression analysis, we derived the following results. It was analyzed that the size of Korea's economy, that is, GDP, the previous year's defense cost share, and the number of U.S. troops stationed in Korea had a positive influence on the decision on defense cost sharing. This indicates that Korea's economic growth is a major factor influencing the increase in defense cost sharing, and that the gradual increase in the budget and the negotiation method of the Special Agreement (SMA) for cost sharing of stationing US troops in Korea play an important role. On the other hand, the political tendencies of the ruling party, North Korea's military threats, and China's defense budget were found to have no statistically significant influence on the decision to share defense costs.

A Comparative Study on Confirmation Hearings for Secretary of Education in South Korea and the United State - Focus Cases on Administrations of Myungbak Lee and Barack Obama - (한국과 미국 교육부 장관 인사청문회 비교 - 이명박 정부와 오바마 정부의 사례를 중심으로 -)

  • Yoo, Dong-Hoon;Jin, Sun-Mi
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.103-132
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    • 2016
  • This study aims to suggest ways of improving the quality of confirmation hearings for the Secretary of Education in South Korea by: 1) comparing the confirmation process by the presidents in South Korea and the United States; and 2) contrasting procedures and contents of hearings for Education Secretary nominee in South Korea and the United States. As the process of selecting a nominee to be the Secretary of Education started, the Blue House Office of Secretary conducted an investigation on the nominee's personal details, family matters, and etc within a week. The investigation, with very limited time frame, led the selection process to be a mere verification on the nominee's morality. On the other hand, the White House Office of Presidential Personnel carried out a thorough investigation on the nominee collectively with the White House Council, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and Internal Revenue Service, taking from two to three months. In terms of contents of the hearings, the members of the ruling party mainly asked the nominee for clarification, and his ideas on certain policies, whereas the opposition party focused mostly on verifying his morality. In addition, the committee members led the hearing whilst strongly expressing their own political ideologies. However, in the case of the hearings in the United States, the committee members did not ask any questions to verify the nominee's morality but questions that could help them to get an understanding of the nominee's experience, professionalism, and perspective on nation- wide issues regarding education and federal education policy. As for the procedural characteristics of South Korean hearings, the Committee on Education conducted the hearing with a week of advanced preparation. However, submission of required reports by the nominee, performing confirmation hearings, and reports on the hearing were not mandatory in order to appoint the nominee as the Secretary of Education. On the contrary, in the United States, the members of the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pension spent about a month preparing for the confirmation hearing. For the nominee to be appointed, submission of reports and the committee's approval on the President's nomination were required. Based on the results, this research suggests that it is important to develop a policy that can strengthen the substantiality of the nomination process, to establish a professional agency for personnel investigation, to make a mandatory submission of personal reports before hearings, to extend the time frame for hearing preparation, to secure enough time slot for nominees to respond, and to increase the member's autonomy.

A Study on Human Rights in North Korea in terms of Haewon-sangsaeng (해원상생 관점에서의 북한인권문제 고찰)

  • Kim Young-jin
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.43
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    • pp.67-102
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the human rights found in the North Korean Constitution and their core problem by focusing on elements of human rights suggested by Daesoon Jinrihoe's doctrine of Haewon-sangsaeng (解冤相生 the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence). Haewon-sangsaeng is seemingly the only natural law that could resolve human resentment lingering from the Mutual Contention of the Former World while leading humans work for the betterment of one another. Haewon-sangsaeng, as a natural law, includes the right to life, the right to autonomous decision-making, and duty to act according to human dignity (physical freedom, the freedom of conscience, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of press, etc.), the right to equal treatment in one's social environment, and the right to ensure the highest level of health through treatment. The North Korean Constitution does not have a character as an institutional device to guarantee natural human rights, the fundamental principle of the Constitution, and stipulates the right of revolutionary warriors to defend dictators and dictatorships. The right to life is specified so that an individual's life belongs to the life of the group according to their socio-political theory of life. Rights to freedom are stipulated to prioritize group interests over individual interests in accordance with the principle of collectivism. The right to equality and the right to health justify discrimination through class discrimination. The right to life provided to North Koreans is not guaranteed due to the death penalty system found within the North Korean Criminal Code and the Criminal Code Supplementary Provisions. The North Korean regime deprives North Koreans of their right to die with dignity through public executions. The North Korean regime places due process under the direction of the Korea Worker's Party, recognizes religion as superstition or opium, and the Korea Worker's Party acknowledge the freedoms of bodily autonomy, religion, media, or press. North Koreans are classified according to their status, and their rights to equality are not guaranteed because they are forced to live a pre-modern lifestyle according to the patriarchal order. In addition, health rights are not guaranteed due biased availability selection and accessibility in the medical field as well as the frequent shortages of free treatments.

Analysis of the "Korean Wave" News Frame of Chinese Daily Newspapers: Based on the Analysis of Articles Reported between 2001 and 2010 (중국 일간지의 "한류" 보도에 나타난 프레임 분석: 2001~2010년 기간에 보도된 기사 분석을 중심으로)

  • Yu, Sae-Kyung;Lee, Suk;Chung, Ji-In
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.57
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    • pp.202-226
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze how Chinese people perceive the acceptance and spread of Korean popular culture through the analysis of the Korean Wave news frame in Chinese daily newspapers. The result of analysis showed that there was a significant difference in the number of an article appearance in all three daily newspapers by year according to a specific issue including the popularity of Korean Wave-related events, Korean dramas, movies and Korean stars. This reporting trend also appeared in the article format, and all three daily newspapers mainly used an episodic frame to deliver fragmentary Korean Wave trend or personal information emotionally rather than a thematic frame to analyze and interpret the Korean Wave trend in depth. As a result of analyzing dominant news frames using the inductive approach to examine specific contents of the articles, news frames that composed the Korean Wave into the cultural interest frame as 'Interest and attention toward Korean popular culture' and gave positive evaluations were dominant, followed by the economic news frames that explained the Korean Wave from the economic perspective and the political news frames that considered the Korean Wave from the viewpoint of the Chinese Government. These news frames appeared somewhat different according to the publishing purpose of daily newspapers. ${\ll}$People's Daily${\gg}$ which is the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party often covered the political frames to report the policies of Chinese government, ${\ll}$People's Daily (Overseas edition)${\gg}$ often covered economic frames from the overseas perspective and the Jinghua Daily which is a commercial newspaper by nature often handled cultural interest frames to consider Korean Wave as new cultural phenomenon.

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An Investigation of the Delivery of Public Rental Housing in Redevelopment Site in Korea (재개발임대주택 공급제도의 도입상황 및 특징분석)

  • Park, Shinyoung
    • Land and Housing Review
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.51-65
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    • 2021
  • There were strong criticisms against the joint development method: the redevelopment corporation and developers would achieve the whole development profit. The existing tenants who lost their housing in the site argued their right to reside in the site after the development was completed. There was also strong political pressure that the Roh Tae-woo governing administration should resolve the social inequality caused by the situation. In such circumstances, it was introduced that a certain proportion of public rental housing should be built in the redevelopment site; then the government took over the dwellings at a price of construction and allocated them to the existing tenants. The aims of this paper are to understand the rationale behind the inclusion of the public rental housing in the redevelopment sites; and to investigate to what extent the legislation was implemented appropriately. Although the legislation was introduced in Seoul from August 1989, it was not until May 2005 when it was implemented nationwide. At the beginning, there was an ambiguous rule that the number of public housing to be included should be limited to the number of households who would want to remain in the redeveloped site. In 2005 the Seoul metropolitan authority introduced a mandatory proportion; 17% of the total housing delivered in the site should be public rental homes. Since then the proportion. The proportion has been fluctuated by the political agenda of each ruling party: the conservative tended to reduce the proportion, whilst the opposition parties increased the proportion. Currently the proportion is 20% of the total stock to be built. Initially the size of the public housing was exceptionally small- less than 40 m2 but it has increased up to 60 m2 since 2010. The rental price was reasonably lower than market rent. The competition toward redevelopment rental housing that are vacant due to move or death of tenants was very high; it was given to one household out of nine eligible households in 2020.

An origin and development, the thought and understanding of actual world of Noron (노론의 연원과 전개, 철학사상과 현실인식)

  • Kim, Moon Joon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.79-112
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    • 2011
  • Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

A study on the scientific background of thinking of Kang Youwei and a stage of 'Tianyou' (강유위(康有爲) 사상의 과학적 배경과 '천유경계(天遊境界)')

  • Han, Sung Gu
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.27
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    • pp.197-222
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    • 2009
  • The Reform Movement(戊戌變法) of 1898 was a boundary tablet of modern history of science and technology which inherited the past and ushered in the future. Kang Youwei(康有爲), as a leader, his scientific thoughts opened up the way of Chinese enlightenity campaign and pushed the development of Chinese modem science and had an important position in modem history of scientific thoughts. The dissertation analyses the source, establishment and content of Kang Youwei. Kang Youwei developed the useful and discarded the useless of the view of implement science held by the Westernized Party, undertook a deep and throughout thinking on the nature of science, had cognition of scientific methods and spirit, by which he criticized negative proneness of ancient Chinese views of science. He put forwards a series of practical suggestions on political reform that provided a solid guarantee and support in system for scientific development. Kang Youwei rooted in the soil of Chinese traditional academic culture, but also western learning in modern western civilization. Kang go through Westernization Movement since the in-depth study of Western natural and inevitable outcome of the social sciences, are giving to science and technology. Although he was originally of Western "science" has a lot of misunderstandings and prejudices, but these shallow hazy perceptual knowledge, his view of science which constitutes the basis of the formation. In the course of scientific inquiry, Kang has begun to explore the essence of scientific development. He has a gut feeling that behind the scientific discovery of the existence of a force, which is the scientific truth and is used to grasp the scientific method. After contact with the Western world, with the traditional "Heaven(天)", and modern Chinese intellectuals began to "axiom(公理)" to recover his traditional "Heaven" of the new understanding is reflected mainly in "Zhutianjiang(諸天講)". "Zhutianjiang" is the Kang Yuwei in the absorption of traditional astronomy knowledge base, will the traditional arithmetic, as well as Buddhism and the West since the twentieth century, new knowledge of astronomy combines written. Kang while recognizing that scientific instruments, is nothing more than an extension of the role of the human senses and make the "Dao(道)" is more clear, but the "artifacts(器物)" caused by the inherent limitations of the limited nature of human knowledge, which is "Heaven" boundless nature of the broad terms, refused to concede defeat to. In reality, the activities of political reform, he gradually recognize this real-world helpless, and he recognized that the real world to achieve common ground of social ideal is impossible, so he chose comfort in life that people really get a stage of "Tianyou(天遊)". This is the cause that his writing "Datongshu(大同書)", at the same time, followed by writing "Zhutianjiang" talk "Tianyou".

A study on The U.S.-Korean Trade Friction Prevention and Settlement in the Fields of Information and Telecommunication Industries (한미간(韓美間) 정보통신분야(情報通信分野) 통상마찰예방(通商摩擦豫防)과 해소방안(解消方案)에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Jung, Jay-Young
    • THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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    • v.13
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    • pp.869-895
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    • 2000
  • The US supports the Information and Communication (IC) industry as a strategic one to wield a complete power over the World Market. However, several other countries are also eager to have the support for the IC industry because the industry produces a high added value and has a significant effect on other industries. Korea is not an exception. Korea recently succeeded in the commercialization of CDMA for the first time in the world, after the successful development of TDX. Hence, it is highly likely to get tracked by the US. Although the IC industry is a specific sector of IT, there is a concern that there might be a trade friction between the US and Korea due to a possible competition. It will be very important to prepare a solution in advance so that Korea could prevent the friction and at the same time increase its share domestically and globally. It will be our important task to solve the problem with the minimum cost if the conflict arises unfortunately in the IT area. The parties that have a strong influence on the US trade policy are the think tank group and the IT-related interest group. Therefore, it would be important to have a close relationship with them. We found some implications by analyzing the case of Japan, which has experienced trade frictions with the US over the long period of time in the high tech industry. In order to get rid of those conflicts with the US, the Japanese did the following things : (1) The Japanese government developed supporting theories and also resorted to international support so that the world could support the Japanese theories. (2) Through continual dialogue with the US business people, the Japanese business people sought after solutions to share profits among the Japanese and the US both in the domestic and in the worldwide markets. They focused on lobbying activities to influence the US public opinion to support the Japanese. The specific implementation plan was first to open culture lobby toward opinion leaders who were leaders about the US opinion. The institution, Japan Society, were formed to deliver a high quality lobbying activities. The second plan is economic lobby. They have established Japanese Economic Institute at Washington. They provide information about Japan regularly or irregularly to the US government, research institution, universities, etc., that are interested in Japan. The main objective behind these activities though is to advertise the validity of Japanese policy. Japanese top executives, practical interest groups on international trade, are trying to justify their position by direct contact with the US policy makers. The third one is political lobby. Japan is very careful about this political lobby. It is doing its best not to give impression that Japan is trying to shape the US policy making. It is collecting a vast amount of information to make a correct judgment on situation. It is not tilted toward one political party or the other, and is rather developing a long-term network of people who understand and support the Japanese policy. The following implications were drawn from the experience of Japan. First, the Korean government should develop a long-term plan and execute it to improve the Korean image perceived by American people. Second, the Korean government should begin public relation activities toward the US elite group. It is inevitable to make an effort to advertise Korea to this elite group because this group leads public opinion in the USA. Third, the Korean government needs the development of a relevant policy to elevate the positive atmosphere for advertising toward the US. For example, we need information about to whom and how to about lobbying activities, personnel network who immediately respond to wrong articles about Korea in the US press, and lastly the most recent data bank of Korean support group inside the USA. Fourth, the Korean government should create an atmosphere to facilitate the advertising toward the US. Examples include provision of incentives in tax on the expenses for the advertising toward the US and provision of rewards to those who significantly contribute to the advertising activities. Fifth, the Korean government should perform the role of a bridge between Korean and the US business people. Sixth, the government should promptly analyze the policy of IT industry, a strategic area, and timely distribute information to industries in Korea. Since the Korean government is the only institution that has formal contact with the US government, it is highly likely to provide information of a high quality. The followings are some implications for business institutions. First, Korean business organization should carefully analyze and observe the business policy and managerial conditions of US companies. It is very important to do so because all the trade frictions arise at the business level. Second, it is also very important that the top management of Korean firms contact the opinion leaders of the US. Third, it is critically needed that Korean business people sent to the USA do their part for PR activities. Fourth, it is very important to advertise to American employees in Korean companies. If we cannot convince our American employees, it would be a lot harder to convince regular American. Therefore, it is very important to make the American employees the support group for Korean ways. Fifth, it should try to get much information as early as possible about the US firms policy in the IT area. It should give an enormous effort on early collection of information because by doing so it has more time to respond. Sixth, it should research on the PR cases of foreign enterprise or non-American companies inside the USA. The research needs to identify the success factors and the failure factors. Finally, the business firm will get more valuable information if it analyzes and responds to, according to each medium.

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