• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.7-47
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• 2020

This article is a sub-section of a comparative analysis of depictions of violence in Jakarta's Museum of the Indonesian Communist Party's Treachery, Ho Chi Minh City's War Remnants Museum, and Phnom Penh's Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In comparing these public history sites, I analyze how memories of mass violence were central to state formation in both Suharto's anti-Communist New Order (1966-1998), the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (1976-present), and Cambodia since the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea (1979-present). While this comparison points out specific distinctions about the role of the military, the nature of revolution, and conceptions of gender, it argues for a central similarity in the use of a mythology of victimization in building these post-conflict nation-states. This article focuses on my gendered analysis of the use of images of women and children in each museum. Depending on context and political purpose, these museums cast women as tragic victim, revolutionary heroine, or threat to the social order. My analysis of gender places stereotypical images of violence against women (the trope of women and children as the ultimate victims) in conversation with dark fantasies of women as perpetrators of savage violence and heroic images of women liberated by participation in violence.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.223-258
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• 2022

The 2018 local elections completely upended the composition of Busan's city council, with the council membership changing from being solidly and consistently conservative to being over 80% liberal. What explains this anomalous outcome? While existing literature suggests the outcome of the 2018 city council elections was the consequence of a combination of structural and strategic factors, such as the decline of regional voting, we argue that the individual-level evaluation of President Moon Jae-in is one of the primary factors driving this result. Although coattails effects are commonly considered in concurrent national legislative elections, the Presidentialized and nationalized politics of Korea makes it possible for Presidential elections to affect local elections as well. We assess our explanation through an analysis of repeated cross-sectional survey data collected just before the 2018 local elections. The results of the analysis show that support for the Democratic Party is very strongly predicted by individual-level evaluation of President Moon. When considered in the context of the timing of presidential and local elections, the results suggest that Presidential coattail effects are capable of destabilizing established political patterns, such as regional voting, if perhaps only in a sporadic and idiosyncratic fashion, depending on whether or not local elections are held early on in a President's term.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.67-80
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• 2013

A widely shared view identifies civil society with the set of nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations. This tradition reflects a long history of social theory viewed in institutional terms. Myanmar society has developed, mainly based on Buddhist culture and tradition. Buddhist practice necessitates public validation within an economy of merit in which moral action earns future rewards. Myanmar private voluntary associations have, since ancient times, played a vital role in achieving social purposes. Buddhist monasteries were the main education institutions in Myanmar. Until today, monastic schools, or monastic education centers as they are often called, have been the most important civil-society institutions bridging the accessibility gap in the state-run education system in government-controlled areas. Apart from social or community based that serve for public health in Myanmar there has been a number of religious organizations serving for the same. Moreover there appeared an association to very differently help those who need much urgent help. Since military coup in 1962, however, successive regimes have sought to stamp out civil society and permit only state-controlled organizations. Civil society re-emerged during the nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. After 1988 civil societies are allowed as like a political party to form. Now a day some civil societies have worked to start small-scale projects addressing local problems, but they must stay clear of politics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.67-82
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• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.145-156
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• 2011

The study is to analyze voting behaviors revealed through the June 2 local elections, and to learn their implications by exploring and comparing the main factors that influence how to recognize and select a candidate. To achieve this, in-depth interviews have been conducted focusing on those who voted in the last election. The analysis shows that most respondents regard their political tendencies as moderate and make decisions on whom to vote for 2 to 3 days prior to election. It also indicates that what party candidates belong to is the highest motivation in deciding for whom to vote and they generally vote as they believe. According to the study, not only do the poll's results hardly affect their choice of candidates, but also the polls turn out significantly different from the actual results. The great gap between the polls and the actual outcome signifies that how to conduct a poll is wrong and people intend to conceal their opinions. While the media has had a decisive effect on the image of candidates, it is through promotional materials for political campaigns that the candidates' policy is recognized. The study also says that the Four-River is the most influential political issue in election. The study identifies voters' behavior specifically and in depth, and suggests some lessons to make use of for the future elections.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.107-152
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• 2010

This paper explores the historical process that created a specific understanding of and responses to atopic dermatitis(AD) in Korea. AD hardly has a status of an environmental disease in other societies but it is a representative environmental disease in South Korea in connection with various environmental pollutants, most notably with endocrine disrupting chemicals. This understanding of AD as an environmental disease led to an unprecedented legislation of the Environmental Health Act of 2008, a broad environmental health law with the precautionary principle and the focus on human aspect of environmental problems. In line with the growing body of works that articulate the roles of the public and culture in regulatory process, this paper argues that both the understanding of and the regulatory responses to AD owe greatly to the knowledge and political practice of the public, especially that of the 'Atopy moms'. Their knowledge practice that creatively appropriated scientific uncertainty regarding AD brought unexpected epistemological and political alliances, respectively with alternative medicine and with organic coop movement and an emergent political party and generated enough dynamics for the legislation of the EHA.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.49
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• pp.57-80
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• 2010

This study examines how national newspapers interpret, evaluate and report the Korean grand canal and rebuilding four major rivers through the news writings. For this research, ChosunIlbo, the Hankyoreh Shinmun and HankukIlbo are selected. A total of 961 news writings are analyzed by using the concept of news frame designed by Gamson(1993). As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the most frequently reported news frame for ChosunIlbo is economic consequence; the Hankyoreh for ecological environment, and HankukIlbo for authoritative political execution by the administrative. Second, the most frequently interviewed group through all of the papers is the administrative and the ruling Grand National Party, the main body of rebuilding the Korean grand canal. On the country, voices of environmental protection groups, non-profit civic organizations and the ordinary people are reported rarely. Third, the ratio of authoritative political execution by the administrative and economic consequence are very high. Finally, in terms of the framing activity by the interviewed groups in the newspapers, ChosunIlb reports 'Outcome' the most frequently, the Hankyoreh does 'Loss-gain' & 'Process' and HankukIlbo 'Process' & 'Substantive'. Thus it concluded that ChosunIlbo does not play a role as a social mediator for the social disputes. However, the Hankyoreh and HankukIlbo try to represent environmental and civic organizations fairly.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.27-69
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• 2009

This paper studies the logic of fiscal constraints and fiscal autonomy in a political agency model with both moral hazard and adverse selection. The electoral process not only disciplines incumbents who may act against the public interest but also opts in politicians who are most likely to act along voters' interests. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria under shared tax system and fiscal autonomy with fiscal constraints for local public good provision. It is shown that the local voters' expected welfare under fiscal autonomy is higher than under shared tax system if the same fiscal constraints are applied. In order to examine the effects of party's candidate selection processes on the behavior of local politician and national politician, we extend the model to an environment where local politician can compete for the candidacy of national assembly with incumbent national politician. If local politician wins majority of votes against incumbent national politician, then he can move on to serve as a national politician. Otherwise, his political career will end as a local politician. It is the gist of this primary system portrayed by this setup that local politician and national politician compete to garner more votes. Therefore, primary system as a candidate selection mechanism enhances local residents' welfare compared to top-down candidate selection processes.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.463-470
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• 2016

This experimental research as media effect study explores the effect of the current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination widely spread by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of domestic audience. Proceeding studies about media effect dealt mainly with news contents of TV, newspaper and internet. However studies on the effect of current documentary as non news contents on audience that provide us with profound information by various subjects are very few. Especially it is difficult to find studies about disaster documentary dealing with radioactive contamination having much effect on global environment. Accordingly this research implemented experimental study to find out the effect of current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of audience. This research found that subjects exposed to the current documentary considered outdated nuclear power plant more seriously, supporting the opposition party more positively, claiming shutdown of outdated nuclear power plant, and opposing additive construction of nuclear power plant than subjects not exposed to the current documentary.