• Journal of the International Relations & Interdisciplinary Education
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.35-56
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• 2024

Based on Kingdon's policy stream model, the logical mechanism of student burden double reduction policy agenda setting process in China was analyzed from three aspects: problem stream, policy stream, political stream. It was found that the direct reflection of data, the feedback and improvement of current policies constitute the problem stream.The high attention of government departments, the suggestions of CPPCC members and experts and scholars, the strong voice of schools, and the continuous voice of stakeholders constitute the policy stream. The ruling party's governing idea and educational policy, national mood and interest game during the transition period constitute the political policy stream. The three streams, coupling interaction, open the policy window, promoting the introduction of the 'double reduction' policy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.189-200
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• 2011

Social media environment has had a significant effect on 'power shift' over the world. Such change was due to the choice of smart people. Accordingly, the Smart Citizens Party PR strategies of $S^6M^2AR^3T^4$ should be formulated in accordance with times. Now, politicians or parties can gain a Specific, Simplicity, Sharing and Strong Synergy effect through Social Network Service (SNS). In addition, in order to embody Mighty, Measurable, and Achievable policies, policy-makers should formulate policies based on a Realistic basis, which can gain people's Reliability in every field Relevant to people's way of a happy life by giving them Time of equal opportunity and making them share the same vision and Target with Target segmentation for all sorts of people, Together. In this sense, twelve kinds of alternative words in The Smart Citizens Party PH strategies are suggested. The study suggests desirable direction of development and alternatives in regard to the trends of The Smart Citizens Party PR strategies. Alternatives that are given in this research paper will receive the people's choice because they are a dynamic force to execute 'mighty and powerful Korea'.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The legislative cosponsorship network shows the legislative process of the National Assembly through the relationship between the members of the National Assembly formed by cosponsorship. This study focused on the library bill proposed during the 19th National Assembly term, and conducted the cosponsorship network analysis, the centrality analysis of actors of the National Assembly, and a subgroup analysis of keyword-centric networks. As the result of the study, the library bill's cosponsorship network was segmented according to political parties, and lawmakers who played an intermediary role in close proximity to other political party members had an important influence on the network. When restructured into a keyword-oriented network, the network structure segmented into political parties improved as members of different parties shared the same keywords and formed subgroups. Based on the results, it was suggested that a strategy for spreading and sharing policy issues based on core keywords rather than library legislation, centered on lawmakers who play a mediating role between parties, is needed to activate library legislation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.195-207
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze how the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers cover the filibuster for blocking the passage of the anti-terrorism act for the protection of citizens and public security by the main opposition party. For the comparative analysis of the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers, this study analyzes how the newspapers used news frame, news source, key word, and news theme. To analyze the effects on news coverage of the newspapers' ideological orientation, this study selects six newspapers: Hankyoreh Shinmun, Kyunghyang Shinmun, Ohmynews from liberal newspapers and Chosun Ilbo, Donga Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo from conservative newspapers. According to research findings, the liberal and conservative newspapers show clear distinction while using news frames when the newspapers cover the filibuster. The liberal newspapers cover the filibuster as a positive political action while the conservative newspapers cover the filibuster as a negative political action. In addition, as key word, "disturbance" is mentioned most by the conservative newspapers while "poisonous clauses" is used most by the liberal newspapers. As a result, this study shows that newspapers are influenced by ideological orientations while covering political issues.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.163-209
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• 2011

This study empirically analyzes whether political rent-seeking behavior exits in Korea. The empirical analysis shows that there is a cyclical decline in aggregate revenue immediately following the election year. However, when using other aggregate fiscal variables including aggregate revenue, fiscal balance, tax and public burden ratio, no such cyclical deterioration are found. By sector, the expenditures of the economic affairs show a cyclical increase in the year right after the election. In addition, as the ratio of ruling party senators to total senators is high, the expenditures of the economic affairs tend to increase more and this tendency becomes more stronger right after the presidential election year. Such a result turns out to be consistent even when the expenditure was analyzed separately from the mandatory and discretionary expenditures by sector. This is a testimony to the existence of political rent-seeking behavior in Korea.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.04a
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• pp.37-57
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• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance, this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second, regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one' s everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life. To political elites, it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.5-29
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• 2002

This study was to analyze the social identity described in the dress of the American novelist Pearl S. Buck's (1892-1973) major works. A novelist pursues varying and refined expressions in an effort to convey to readers the character' identities of his or her own creation. In particular, Pearl S, Buck was a great writer who was awarded the Novel Literature Prize, and since her work The Good Earth recorded a world-wide bestseller, she might well be called a popular novelist. She depicted well her characters' identities from divers viewpoints with her unique delicacy and realistic expressions. For this study, the following seven works which are considered to feature the dresses for character's identity well were selected out of her 85 works: The Good Earth (1931), Sons(1932), The Mother (1934), A Housed Divided (1935), The Hidden Flower (1952), Love and the Morning Calm (1953) and Letter from Peking (1957). For an analytical tool, the content analysis method was used. In order to systematically review the social identity described in the dress individuals' identity were classified into the following categories based on the identity theories: Social identity were divided into ① age identity ② sex, gender identity ③ economic identity ④ occupational identity ⑤ political identity ⑥ religious identity ⑦ kinship identity ⑧ regional identity. The characters' age identity, sex, gender identity, economic identity, occupational identity, political identity, religious identity, kinship identity, regional identity were depicted by their dresses and physical features. All in all, it is hoped that this study would provided important cues to the understanding of the other party's identity through his or her dresses in mutual relationship: It is believed that this study would be useful because they are arranged through the analysis of the dresses featured in the great writer's works using a consistent framework of analysis.