• 영어영문학
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• 제56권4호
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• pp.667-690
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• 2010

This essay attempts to read Percy Bysshe Shelley s The Mask of Anarchy by attending to a political agenda that Shelley seeks to propose and embody in the poem. This poem was written as a response to an exceptional political event, the Peterloo Massacre, and thus it is evident that Shelley intended to engage in contemporary politics by writing this poem. As many critics have pointed out, however, the way in which this poem addresses social, plitical issues is ambivalent and even confusing, since it contains many elements that contradict each other, and sometimes its political visions are based on incoherent conceptions. For this reason, this poem has been considered to be a failure as an occasional poem which should provide the reader with a clear direction for political actions. Faced with this critical problem, this essay proposes that the ambivalence this poem reveals-e.g., the confrontation between moderate artistic fantasy and radical tenets-is not a retreat from political activism, as some critics suggested, but a result of its creation and embodiment of a public sphere which invites various social classes and their positions. The mode in which Shelley conceives this unified public sphere in the course of writing The Mask of Anarchy can be interpreted in terms of the following three features. First, this poem underscores the significance of thoughts in constituting a communal space between people, thus asking the reader to participate in this process of thinking on given issues. Second, this poem suggests that people should enlighten each other by engaging in communicative reciprocations. Lastly, the public sphere formulated by the previous two features should incorporate various socio-political agents beyond class boundaries (even oppressors themselves) into its own working field. After explaining how these three features are manifested in the poem, this essay argues that the unified public sphere thus formed in the poem is the very agenda that Shelley aims to propose for the contemporaneous politics and culture. As a conclusion, this essay highlights how Shelley s project of creating a unified public sphere finally failed in contemporary history through observing two contrasting receptions of Shelley s works.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.205-209
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• 2018

본 논문에서는 스마트폰을 이용한 정치 온라인 플랫폼의 설계 및 구현에 관한 것으로, 일반인들이 지역사회의 정치에 쉽게 참여할 수 있도록 하였다. 정치 온라인 플랫폼은 국회의원 모니터링, 법안 모니터링, 각종 이슈의 참여기능으로 구성되어 있다. 이 플랫폼은 AWS 서버, DB와 안드로이드 앱 형태로 구현하였다. 특히 공공 Open API와 Naver API를 이용하여 실시간으로 정치 관련 정보를 업데이트하였다. 본 시스템은 법안 및 정치적 이슈에 대해서 사람들 간의 의견을 나누는 분야에 잘 활용될 수 있다.

• 한국환경과학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국환경과학회 2003년도 International Symposium on Clean Environment
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• pp.5-10
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• 2003

This paper explores not only emerging scientific problems but also the difficulties communicating air quality issues into an increasingly sensitive the public and policy arena. The public understanding and trust in air pollution information and indices may be very different to the notions of validity or accuracy that are important for a scientist. We operate in a world where openness requires us to reveal both the difficulties and disagreements in our understanding of the polluted atmosphere. Yet this can be confusing and increase complexity in situations where clear political and social decisions are required. I am going to examine these issues, starting with questions of what substances we regard as pollutants and the difficulties of getting the correct balance of concern given the broadening the base of chemicals emitted to the environment. There are also questions of exposure particularly in terms of vulnerable populations, who may spend large amounts of time indoors, where air is rarely monitored. In contemporary society there are pollution problems that extend far beyond urban areas and we have to consider regional issues such as windblown dusts, smoke from forest fires along with issues of the emission of green house gases and ozone depleting substances. Finally I will discuss the issues of communicating with a concerned public and sceptical politicians and the troubling interface between technological and sociological control. Such complexity is often missed in a maze of seemingly stronger political and social needs.

• 한국지형공간정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국지형공간정보학회 2002년도 춘계학술대회 논문집
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• pp.119-129
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• 2002

The information system fields of spatial applications have rapidly grown during the last decade in Korea. Spatial data has been produced for a variety of systems without common standards until national GIS Committee defined the data exchange formats among spatial databases in the middle of 1990's. It aimed at promoting data sharing between the different systems in similar application fields. However, a considerable number of databases built prior to the introduction of the standards are not yet standard compliant but still play the roles of the main producers/consumers in the data collection field such as early developed huge AM/FM systems maintained by governmental organizations. The strong autonomy of these databases keeps their own data models, formats and descriptions from being standardized, which leads the sharing to a more difficult stage. Sharing is another way of data acquisition with least efforts and time away from direct collection. A data clearinghouse is the core module which directs users to the relevant data resources. The contents of datasets should be described with predefined metadata standards for precise indexing. Moreover, a number of technical problems have to be resolved for the common use of data between heterogeneous spatial database systems. However, the technical issues can be covered by the present information technologies. The difficulties persist in the political/institutional issues. Institutional issues are derived from the diverse sources such as political background, governmental policies, related laws and/or regulations. The paper will firstly make an analysis of current situation in terms of Korean policies, laws and regulations, secondly abstract the institutional issues from the situation analysis, lastly present guidelines for promoting spatial data sharing in Korea.

• 한국원자력학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국원자력학회 1999년도 추계학술발표회요약집
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• pp.393.1-393
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• 1999

• 복식문화연구
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• 제24권5호
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• pp.588-599
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• 2016

The primary aim of this study was to analyze the fashion trend of wearing T-shirts with slogans at home and abroad and to consider the social influence of these shirts on fashion. The research method was based on the documentary method and the existing literature, and the study range was limited to the period from the middle of the 20th century to the present. Slogan T-shirts played important roles because they make the wearers highly visible wherever they go. T-shirts with slogans not only intentionally expressed the wearers' views on multiple social issues but they also made those issues more visible, thereby encouraging society to deal with them. The T-shirts also helped to form a social consensus regarding the issues. For this reason we referred to slogan T-shirts as 'the social fashion' in this research. Regarding the results, the research found that T-shirts with slogans were a social fashion that conveyed real political slogans and thus influenced people's political beliefs. Second, they politicized the issues in public interests with the public perspective. Third, the purpose of slogan T-shirts was to help people express their personality publicly and thereby bond with other people who held similar sympathies. Furthermore, the T-shirts conveyed multiple meanings in each message.

• 한국연극학
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• 제52호
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.27-45
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• 2012

Among political scientists, Japan's free trade agreements (FTA) with member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been considered to be a political tool that can compete against China for regional leadership in East Asia. However, this paper demonstrates that Japan's so-called FTA diplomacy towards ASEAN nations serves the broad interests of Japanese actors in both the political and economic sectors. Given the attention to Japanese domestic political issues, it is argued that diplomacy primarily facilitates a need for free trade with ASEAN and ASEAN markets for Japanese corporations to compete in the global economy and for the government to nurture Japan's stagnant economy by assisting these corporations. This work also contends that the unclear function of FTA as an economic good is due to the lack of the government capacity to effectively manage FTA diplomacy. This partly results from the conventional view with regard to Sino-Japanese rivalry.

• 의정연구
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• 제25권3호
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• pp.33-67
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• 2019

본 연구는 온라인에서의 정치적 활동이 동성결혼 합법화와 차별금지법 제정에 대한 태도에 중요한 영향을 미치는지, 이러한 영향이 유권자의 종교에 따라 차별적으로 나타나는지 살펴보았다. 주요 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 유권자의 이념성향이 동성결혼 합법화와 차별금지법 제정에 대한 태도에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 온라인 정치활동 정도가 높은 유권자일수록 두 이슈에 대해 찬성할 가능성이 높게 나타났다. 셋째, 차별금지법 제정에 대한 태도에서 온라인 정치활동의 영향이 종교에 따라 차별적으로 나타났다. 즉, 개신교를 믿는 유권자의 경우 다른 종교를 지닌 유권자에 비해 온라인 정치활동 정도가 높아질수록 차별금지법 제정에 반대할 가능성이 증가하였다. 본 연구는 온라인 정치활동이 성소수자 권리를 증진하는 제도에 대한 유권자들의 태도를 긍정적으로 바꾸는 중요한 역할을 한다는 점을 밝혀냈다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 또한, 한국에서는 이념 갈등이 주로 외교·안보 이슈에서 강하게 나타나고 있지만, 이념 변수의 영향력을 고려해볼 때 앞으로 성소수자 문제에서도 이념 문제가 중요하게 작용할 가능성이 크다는 점을 시사한다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.33-48
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• 2019

The current Moon Jai-in administration in South Korea is facing serious challenges as a result of a scandal involving the manipulation of news online. Staff in Moon's camp are suspected of manipulating public opinion by creating millions of fake news comments online, contributing to Moon being elected president. This South Korean political scandal raises a number of theoretical issues with regard to new platform technologies and media manipulation. First, the incident exposes the technological limits of blocking manipulation of the news, partly because of the nature of social media and partly because of the nature of contemporary technology. Contemporary social media is often monopolistic in nature; with the majority of people are using the same platforms, and hence it is likely that they will be subject to forms of media manipulation. Second, the Korean case of news manipulation demonstrates a unique cultural aspect of Korean society. News comments and readers' replies have become a major channel of alternative news in Korea. This phenomenon is often designated as "reply journalism," since people are interested in reading the news replies of ordinary readers equally to reading news reports themselves. News replies are considered indicators of public opinion and are seen as affecting trias politica in Korean society. Third, the Korean incident of news manipulation implicates a new form of populism in the 21st century and the nature of democratic participation. This article aims to explicate key issues in media manipulation by including wider technological, cultural, and political aspects in the South Korean news media context.