• World Technopolis Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.46-61
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• 2015

There is an implicit assumption in most regional innovation policy studies that once a policy has been made the policy will be implemented. This assumption is not valid for regional innovation policies formulated in many countries. This assumption rests upon certain political and organization conditions. It is frequently said that regional innovation system in Korea is one of the successful cases because of properly established institution for the implementation of innovation policies. The components of institution for innovation are defined in this article. For the analysis of institution for regional innovation system in Korea, three aspects such as organization, policies & programs, and governance structure were taken into account. Institution for regional innovation system in Korea is analyzed with three aspects: (1) organization for policy implementation, (2) innovation policy, and (3) governance structure. Firstly, organizations for innovation in Korea are composed of three categories such as organizations for policy formulation, organizations for policy implementation and agencies for coordination. Secondly, there are two categories of policies for innovation: (1) policies for the enhancement of national competitiveness and policies for the regional innovation capacity building, and (2) policies for fostering manpower and policy for regulatory reform. Thirdly, innovation governance in Korea is composed of three layer structure: (1) top level governance which is composed of two committee, three ministries and two agencies, (2) local level governance such as one innovation related offices and one center for regulatory reform, and (3) one category of agency for coordination as a regional platform.

• Journal of Distribution Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.83-107
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• 1996

The concern of external environment is growing up in the field of channel distribution. In the former channel distribution, the channel distribution environment is little bit unmoveable owing to a powerful manufacture control against poor distributor. Therefore intra-efficiency is channel member's core interest. The structure of channel governance, however, come to be changable because of the mature distributor power against manufacturer such as a Price Break, JIT of channel governance, and a serial of change. Accordingly, it is acceptable that the interest of external-environment of channel members' is more and more enlarged, and external-environment change in the channel distribution make the serious problems in intraorganizational system. Thus, it is meaningful that this study try to discover the consumer power as external environment factor and to find the best strategy to overcome this consumer power. Resource dependence theory, Transaction cost theory, Political Economic Approach, and Working partnership Approach are the theory foundation of the reasearch. Apparel franchise is a sample to analyse the hypothesis and correlation and multi-regression are a chief tools to estimate the hypothesis. Thus, the above results imply that a flexible governance is appropriate to consumer power, conflict is not intervening value between consumer power and channel governance, and the channel member's satisfaction can be confirmed in the flexible governance better than control governance.

• 중국학논총
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• no.68
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
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• 2008.04b
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• pp.25-27
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• 2008

This paper discusses the implications of the MASTER SPEC project and its introduction to Korea in terms of social and political contexts. The motives for this report starts from both theoretical and empirical puzzles. Its theoretical motive is concerned to the right form of governance of electric-construction standardardization. Upon the experience of the United States and many European countries, we have acknowledged the role of government in the setting of industrial policy formats and standardization. However, the mechanisms of industrial governance have greatly changed these days, from the centralized one to the participatory one. We call the latter type governance. The form of governance implies the participation of both public and private actors in the policy-making of industrial matters. We have sought to find a better format in the case of electric-construction field. The answer is: the governance initiated by the private actors rather than the government-centered one. The project of MASTER SPEC, in this sense, has many probable implications toward the standard-setting of future industrial managements in Korea.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.121-152
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• 2020

The article is a critical examination of the political developments in Armenia since the 'Velvet Revolution' of April-May 2018, when, on the wave of massive protests against the ruling regime, new young forces came to power raising amongst broad segments of population enormous enthusiasm and hopes about radical reforms that would lead to profound transformations in the political and socio-economic spheres. It contains a thorough analysis of underlying political processes in the country in an attempt to answer a number of topical questions, so important to get a deeper understanding of the situation in Armenia and in the South Caucasus region. Based on the analysis of the new authorities' performance against the acknowledged benchmarks and standards of democracy consolidation, such as: separation of powers, independence of the judiciary, good governance, transitional justice the author comes to the conclusion that they failed to achieve any breakthrough in the above-mentioned fields. On the contrary, as demonstrated by concrete examples, what occurred in Armenia was not a revolution but a mere regime change under the leadership of Prime Minister Pashinyan, who gradually has concentrated in his hands executive, legislative, and quasi-totality of the judicial branch of power.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.10
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• pp.629-639
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• 2020

The current study explains how corruption, terrorism, political stability and oil price has an effect on on the Iraq stock exchange utilizing corruption perception index as a proxy of corruption, global terrorism index as proxy for terrorism, political stability and oil price with ISX60 index as proxy of stock market for the period (2005-2019) using Ordinary Least Square method. The results show that the level of corruption, terrorism activities and political stability coefficient is significantly positive with Iraq stock exchange. In contrast, the oil price coefficient is significantly negative with Iraq stock exchange, which means that lower levels of corruption, less terrorism activities and more stability in political system have strong influence on stock market development in Iraq. The study concludes that the explanatory variables are important for Iraq stock exchange. Hence, the study suggests the policy makers to develop stock market by implementing policies and strategies to overcome high level of corruption, terrorism activities especially after ISIS/ISIL announcement has been made public. There is a need for transparency and creating stable political environment through good governance practices in order to attract more foreign investment and promote economic development. Factors like terrorism and corruption make economic and political systems unstable and has an adverse effect on on Iraq's stock exchange performance.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.11
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• pp.131-144
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• 2020

Political connection are widespread in many countries and are a hot topic in economic research right now. In China, companies are actively forming political connections in several ways. Based on the research model and theoretical analysis, this thesis puts forward the research hypothesis and constructs the research model of political connections and corporate performance using the financial data and corporate governance data of China A-share listed real estate companies in 2010-2014. The thesis mainly analyzes the political association of CEO. For the analysis result, this research uses the univariate regression analysis and multivariate analysis to carry out the robustness test. The empirical study analysis includes three parts: firstly, in Chinese listed real estate enterprises, CEO political connection has a significantly negative correlation with corporate performance. It means real estate enterprises whose CEO has political connections gain a lower performance than other enterprises; Secondly, from the personal characteristics of the CEO, age, sex and education level have positive relationship with the performance of the enterprise, the additional post situation negatively related to the firm's performance; Finally, the firm's scale liquidity ratio and capital asset rario have a negative relationship with corporate performance, and the number of top managers is positively related to corporate performance. This research made a study on the political connection in Chinese real estate industry, which could also provide beneficial references for the development of enterprises in this industry.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.596-606
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• 2011

This article analyzed the process of concluding the Korea-Russia IUU Fishing Prevention Agreement as a model case for distant water fisheries governance. The research studied co-operations for fisheries between Korea and Russia, the current status of live crabs landed in Korea through IUU fishing and Russia's political position on the IUU issue. Also this article reviewed a series of processes executed to achieve the bilateral agreement to prevent IUU fishing, including researches, intergovernmental negotiations, institutional improvements, public hearings and presentations. There were many things closely linked together such as international FAO-IUU prevention efforts, Russia's IUU fishing issue, Korean importers of Russian live crabs, their local governments and Korean snow-crab gill-net fishermen. These issues were resolved through reasonable reconciliations. This article wants to contribute to be used as a reference for other similar IUU fisheries cases.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-39
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• 2013

Considering the relationship between state-owned enterprise (SOE) CEOs and political circles, this study examines the performance impacts of CEO's succession type, board chair separation, and industry expertise and finance expertise of CEOs and outside directors. I propose the definition of political independence in SOE CEOs based on the independence in appearance that might affect general people's perception. It means that there are no relationships or circumstances that might affect SOE CEO's judgment, activity, and report. The definition is able to overcome the limitations of the prior research that could not discover the CEOs who were affiliated to political circles because the research just distinguished the CEOs following their pre-jobs. This study focused on the performance impacts of political independence impaired CEO as well as the CEO's impacts on the relationship between the performance and other corporate governance variables. I selected as dependent variables the average return on asset as operating income divided by total assets and the average customer satisfaction rate evaluated by Korean government during the first three years following the year of the events of explanatory variables. My theory and evidence from the various CEO's personal background and financial information from SOEs in Lee Myung-bak Administration and Rho Moo-hyun Administration suggest the following important things. First, the analysis based on whether or not a SOE CEO keeps political independence shows that a political independence impaired CEO made a significantly negative impact on customer satisfaction rate. Second, the separation between a board chair and a CEO in SOEs introduced by Korean Act on Management of Public Institutions made a significantly positive impact on customer satisfaction rate. However, the positive impact of the board chair separation was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Third, outside director's industry expertise made a significantly positive impact on return on asset. However, the positive impact of the outside director's industry expertise was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Fourth, the comparison between Lee Myung-bak Administration and Roh Moo-hyun Administration on the corporate governance and performance of SOEs shows that the ratio of political independence impaired CEO was significantly higher in Lee Administration and the ratio of outside director's industry expertise and finance expertise were respectively significantly higher in Roh Administration. Based on these results, I suggested a few policy alternatives for CEO's improved political independence and requirements for executive's expertise in SOEs.