• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.297-313
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• 2003

Problems caused by the U.S. military bases have attracted little attention until recently due to the national security of S.Korea and the peace of North-Eastern Asia, emphasized from the perspective of macro-geopolitics. However, since the political regime has been democratized and political discourses have been liberalized from the 1990s, those problems become a nation-widely serious social issue, though they have been brought about on the local areas. Thus, it can be suggested that micro-geopolitics is highly relevant and significant in approaching the local problems caused by the U.S. military bases, and ultimately resolving the macro-geopolitical problem of longstanding unfair relations in the SOFA and the withdrawal of U.S. troops. This paper aims to consider local problems caused by the U.S. military bases and resolving strategies from the perspective of micro-geopolitics. First of all, it discusses some significance of the micro-geopolitical perspective, as it has been recently emphasized in political geography in considering local problems and politics of life on the basis of place, then looks on empirically criminal and environmental problems caused by the U.S. military bases, analyses the questionnaire date on the perception of local dwellers around the military camps in Nam-gu Daegu, and finally suggests strategies to resolve those problems, which level up from the micro to the macro-scale of geopolitics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.475-495
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• 2006

This paper is to analyse a changing space of energy flows in Northeast Asia from geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives that have been recently promoted for energy security of countries in this region. The research is based on an analytical framework in an integration of political ecology and political economy. Because of an ever-increasing input of energy resources for economic growth and of dramatically increasing price of crude oil and recent instability of oil market, South Korea, China and Japan have been deeply concerned with energy security and conducted very actively geopolitical strategies. And hence the space of energy flows in the region is now in a process of dynamic reconfiguration, in which the project for development of oil and natural gas fields in East Siberia and construction of pipelines to transport them can be seen as one of competitive issues among these countries. In spite of worrying about stagflation due to rapid increase of oil price, such geo-strategies for energy security and reconfiguration of space of energy flows seem to keep the accumulation of capital in this region continue with generation of huge privatized oil companies.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.683-695
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• 2004

It is generally found that geography majors' progression in society has a very limited scope in Korea and this is one of the causes of lessening geographers' job market. As an attempt to draw a solution to this problem, this paper, by a close examination of the French case, tries to discuss the possibility of geographers' participation in the public sector. Geographers' participation in political and social issues has long history. They acted as providers of geographical knowledge on human and physical features of the world and also as counsellors for effective administration and politics. French geographers evaluate that it is the characteristics of geography that enable geographers to progress into the public sector. They also perceive that such fields as regional development, environment, economy, tourism, international politics are possible ones for geographers. Some implications can be drawn from this case study to extend geographers' participation in the pubic sector in Korea; it is required to sustain open mind to every field of social sciences, to improve specialized as well as generalized knowledge on geographical features, and to provide practical knowledge on spatial analysis and management.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.45 no.6
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• pp.806-819
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• 2010

Population data has been essential and fundamental in spatial analysis and commonly aggregated into political boundaries. A conventional method for population distribution estimation was a regression model with land use data, but the estimation process has limitation because of spatial autocorrelation of the population data. This study aimed to improve the accuracy of population distribution estimation by adopting a Regression-Kriging method, namely RK Model, which combines a regression model with Kriging for the residuals. RK Model was applied to a part of Seoul metropolitan area to estimate population distribution based on the residential zones. Comparative results of regression model and RK model using RMSE, MAE, and G statistics revealed that RK model could substantially improve the accuracy of population distribution. It is expected that RK model could be adopted actively for further population distribution estimation.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-19
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• 2002

The Cultural Revolution(wenhuadageming) is one of the most important political movement in the modem China. The studies on the movement done in recent years concentrated on the political conspiracy or the struggle over political line, so they did not pay attention to the political geographical dimension of the movement. This paper proposes that the Cultural Revolution practised in the area of minority nationalities at least is well understood through the political geographical perspective. Through the discussion on the Cultural Revolution practised in the Inner Mongolia autonomous district and the Oroqen minority nationality autonomous banner, this paper suggest that the socialist Chinese leader group considers the frontier area(bianjiang) or the minority nationality regions(xiaoshuminzudiqu) important as 'region' or 'space' not as 'the area of minority nationalities (minzu)'. Especially, in the period of the movement, the leader group of the revolution manipulated the space by using the index of nationality or manipulated the nationality by using the index of space. Therefore this paper assert that the Cultural Revolution in the area of minority nationality autonomous region was a integration process of the people and national territory through the reorganization of the nationalities into classes and of autonomous region into region in general meaning.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.4 s.115
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• pp.491-506
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• 2006

In terms of the importance of ocean as a present and future resource and the Korean peninsular location, it is strongly urged to develop renewed recognition and educational programs on ocean, so as to respond properly to the newly emerging political changes surrounding the country. By setting up the purpose of marine education as engendering greater interests in and knowledge of ocean, this research suggests that the frame of marine education can be founded appropriately on four educational sub-categories: humanity education, territory education, economy education, and resources and environment education. At an operational scale, this paper particularly analyzed ocean- related contents in the 7th national curriculum in order to find substantial ways for strengthening marine education. The study simultaneously compared the result of content analysis with the curriculum of marine education in other countries, and founded that explicit ocean-related contents in the 7th curriculum were significantly limited. Yet, the study alternatively points out that it is possible to use a variety of teaching materials and apply them for writing textbooks or developing teaching-teaming curriculum. I provide some of the ways for strengthening marine education by using marine-related themes in the curriculum of geography education. Marine is not simply one of the key elements in the discipline of geography. But, more importantly, I suggest that geography is particularly useful in developing various and familiar themes such as swimming beach, fishing villages, ports, marine-bound industrial district and port cities into teaching materials.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.165-184
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• 2021

This article demonstrates the significance of long-distance networks formed by traders from Afghanistan and Central Asia to the forging of present-day transregional connections within Asia. It identifies two connective corridors authored by these traders: a 'Eurasian corridor' connecting East Asia to post-Soviet Eurasia and extending into Western Europe and a 'West Asian corridor' involving traders originally from Central Asia linking East Asia to Turkey and the Arabian Peninsula. Empirically, the paper documents and analyses the varying cultural and political orientations of traders operating along these networks, and ways in which specific nodes in the networks contribute to their activities as a whole. Conceptually, the papers suggest that the study of 'inter-Asian' connections stands to benefit from deploying oceanic and inland models of geography in a non-dichotomous manner.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.52-75
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• 2021

The current Korean labour movement is at an impasse that is partly sustained by the idea of "strong" transnational corporations (TNCs) versus "weak" labour, and this perception is based on the "global-local dichotomy," wherein TNCs are depicted as abstract and structured entities operating at the global scale and workers are represented as having a concrete and weak presence within the local sphere. As an alternative perspective to break this "global" capital vs. "local" labour dichotomy, I focus on labour geography, which assumes that labour is not simply a factor of production but a sentient spatial actor that (un-)intentionally produces the landscape of capitalism. Borrowing insights from the multi-scalar perspective, this paper aims to understand the actual methods in which workers utilize spatial strategies through an empirical case study of the Nestlé Korea labour union strike in 2003. Based on this case study, this paper claims that workers are both capable of employing coordinated multi-scalar practices and can be more influential to the economic geographies of TNCs. Additionally, it suggests that workers' scalar practices are actually more complicated and multi-directional as a result of their complex and dynamic interactions with political, economic and cultural forces and actors at diverse geographical scales.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.139-159
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• 2014

This study problematizes the dominance of developmental state theory and its negative influences in the field of Korean studies, in particular, dealing with the industrialization during the developmental era, 1960s~70s. As is generally known, the theory has been in a position of unchallenged authority on the industrialization experience of East Asian countries, including South Korea. However, at the same time, it has also misled us into overlooking strategic relations that had articulated the state forms at multiple scales. This study aims to reconstruct the historical contexts by the theorizing prompted by recent work on state space. I shed light on the multiscalar strategic relations that had shaped the Ulsan refinery plant as a representative state space of the South Korean industrialization during two decades after liberation. Specifically, the study illustrates the features and roles of Cold War networks and multiscalar agnets such as Nam Goong-Yeon. By identifying the plant as a result of sequential articulations between Ulsan and other scales, this study concludes by suggesting to reframing the strategic relational spaces, beyond the view of methodological nationalism, in the perspective of multiscalar approach.