• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.2 s.113
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• pp.195-211
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• 2006

During the 1986-1994 Uruguay Round negotiations under the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (later World Trade Organization), the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) was adopted by participating countries. TRIPS has not only allowed intellectual property to be introduced into international trade arenas, but also extended the scope of protection to biodiversity such as plant genetic material, arguing that intellectual property rights (IPRs) would help conserve biodiversity. In this paper, I aim to deconstruct the global IPRs regimes over biodiversity by adopting geographers' sensitivity to place and scale as an analytical window. By investigating how all the issues regarding IPRs over biodiversity that are raised by diverse disciplines, such as environmental ethics, environmental economics and political economy approach, are scale-related, I demonstrate how biodiversity IPRs, and its introduction into international trade agreements, though separate issues with no inevitable relationship to one another, have been put together for the construction of global IPRs regimes. I argue that the notion on the construction of scale (i.e., rhetorical and discursive construct of globalization) can contribute to revealing how fragile global environmental conservation regimes are.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.800-823
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• 2004

This paper aims at examining the ways in which foreign immigrant workers in South Korea have been "forgotten" and "marginalized" in the regulatory politics of globalization and how the politics of "forgetting" has influenced the formation of immigrant local communities in South Korea. More specifically, by focusing on the immigrant community in Wongok dong, Ansan, it explores the forming questions. First, under what conditions has Wongok' dong become one of the biggest communities for foreign workers in South Korea? Second, how has the growth of the Wongok-dong immigrant community been influenced by the politics of "exclusion", and "inclusion" taking place at various geographical scales? Based on this case study, this paper suggests that the practices of "exclusion" and "forgetting" should not be seen as an inevitable outcome of globalization; instead, they need to be seen as an outcome of political processes, in which the practices of "exclusion" and "inclusion" are intertwined with one another through interactions and negotiations among different interests and ideas that take place in the multi-scalar regulatory processes, which contribute to the (material and discursive) construction of globalization.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.819-836
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• 2016

The development paradigm based on modernization theory and economic growth since the WWII reached an impasse in the 1980s. As an alternative, the new perspective on development as a whole social development beyond economic growth has emerged, and culture as an important method for as well as a approach to development has been emphasized. Post-development theories destruct the European development concept and suggest alternative developments emphasizing culture restoration, endogenous growth, diversity, and neopopulist developments movement emphasize community, gender, ownership, and participation. International Organizations such as UNESCO have also examined and developed the relations between culture and development. Although different from that of the past development paradigm, acknowledging other cultures, however, this elaborated concept of culture has some limitations and need to be reconceptualized through applying the geographical concept of 'relational place.' The concept of relational place can help recognize internal diversity within culture and community and link them to a broader economic and political contexts.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-13
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• 2001

This paper is to examine what implications the regionalism in Spain has for its national development during the last two centuries. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the regionalism (including territorial nationalisms in periphery) has played a central role in the history of Spanish state-formation. On the one hand, a strong regional identity was related to a structural weakness affecting Spanish nation-building and accused of forging the separatist national movements in the Basque, Catatonia Galicia and so on. On the other hand, the regionalism has contributed to enforcing the Spanish national consciousness in complex and contradictory ways. Therefore, on the contrary to our common understandings of regionalism, the Spanish regionalism has both enforced and counteracted the Spanish nationalism. In the late 1970s after the collapse of Franco regime, the long history of the Spanish regionalism resulted in a state system based on the regional political decentralization.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.237-245
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• 2019

The aim of this article is to introduce articles of the special issue on 'Revitalization Conditions on Crisis on Industrial Regions: Experience from Europe and the Republic of Korea, and to explore policy alternatives to crisis on industrial regions on the basis of policy diagnoses and prescriptions. In the existing research, diagnoses of such Korean regions are quantitatively focused upon industry, employment, plant, consumption, investment, real estate, and labour market, and are qualitatively based upon external environment and functional, structural and spatial characteristics. Prescriptions of such regions emphasize the establishment of a law and an institutional fix, financial supports, jobs' creation, industrial diversification, the intensification of urban foundation throughout the urban revitalizaion. In the policy development for these regions, it is required to link the industrial sector to social, educational, political and welfare sectors, and furthermore the collaboration of inter- and intra-ministry and the active participation of provincial and local governments are needed.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.27-51
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• 2014

Doris Lessing describes a band of revolutionaries who become involved in terrorist activities far beyond their level of competence in The Good Terrorist. Alice Mellings who is from a middle-class family has organized a squat house in London and seems capable of controlling everyone around her and anything about the house. She is seemingly like a housekeeper or a breadwinner. She also likes to be on the battlefront, for instance, demonstrating, picketing and spray-painting slogans. Such is able to easily exploit the others and she increasingly becomes the leader in the house. Recently some critics have focused on the political and social roles of the protagonist who represents a voice of terrorists in the 1980s England. Based on this, The Good Terrorist is read with the concept of the subject of feminism that Gillian Rose adopts in order to show that this subject tries to avoid the exclusion of the master subject. This subject imagines spaces which are not structured through masculinist claims to exhaustiveness. Alice as the subject of feminism shows different roles; she extorts or steals money for the maintenance of the house from her affluent parents; she spends all her time cleaning, fixing, decorating the deserted house; and she looks after the official affairs related to the house with her skills and experiences. She is systematically in charge of the house and sits at the head of the table in the kitchen. But when their activities turn into disaster and their plans fail, Alice willingly decides to close down the house after ousting the members. Here in her extorted gaze it is revealed that she takes control over the working class members of the house who are unable to lead a revolution because of their own problems and thereby the working class are dominated by the middle class. That is, the place is paradoxically recreated based on class differences, which the revolutionaries try to break. By representing the deconstruction and recreation of the place through squat houses, Lessing reveals her implicit feminism in which a new place should be produced crossing the principle of the dichotomy of gender and class.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.403-408
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• 2022

This study analyzed the translation strategies of four Chinese translations of 『Who ate all the Sing a?』. As is well known, Park Wan-seo's works contain many psychological descriptions, abstract vocabulary, idioms, proverbs, dialects, etc., so when translating into Chinese, various translation strategies such as translation, interpretation, and creative translation are required. Although all four types studied in this paper are somewhat different depending on the translator, all translation strategies were used in a comprehensive way. As a result of the study, all four translation strategies used a strategy of direct translation of Chinese characters when translating geographical namesand names of people. The interpretational translation strategy was used for the translation of vocabulary that requires historical, social, cultural, and geography background interpretation. was utilized. The creative translation strategy was used when translating overlapping issues, political and historically sensitive issues, and issues related to Korean pronunciation and grammar. Based on the results of this study, it is expected that translation strategy research on various Chinese translations of Korean modern literature as well as various Chinese translations of Park Wan-seo will be expanded.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.130-145
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• 2019

The palaces in South Korea are largely divided into primary palaces (法宮) and secondary palaces (離宮). In the early Joseon period, the primary palace was Gyeongbokgung Palace, and the secondary palace was Changdeokgung Palace. Additionally, there is the concept of imperial palaces (正宮). Gyeongbokgung Palace was the primary palace and the imperial palace. The topography of Gyeongbokgung is based on Mt. Baegak, which is the symbol of royal authority. The location of the palaces was chosen to highlight the king's dignity and authority. The three gates and three courts (三門三朝) were positioned on a straight line based on one axis along the ridge of Mt. Baegak to establish the legitimacy, hierarchy, and unity of the kingship. The secondary palace was built according to the demands of the king and the royal family or the political situation. It was created as a royal living space; thus, creating independent and diverse spaces along multiple axes. The primary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yang, and the secondary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yin; the criteria for laying buildings in the palace areas had to be different. The most important point in the formation of Joseon palaces was that the secret vital energy for the king (王氣) originated from the sacred mountain. Important elements of the palace were the secret vital energy chain of feng shui (風水氣脈) and the forbidden stream (禁川). The secret vital energy chain of feng shui was the gateway to the secret vital energy for the king, and the forbidden stream was a method of preventing the king from leaving the palace grounds. Gyeongbokgung Palace, which is on typical feng shui terrain, faithfully reflects the principles of feng shui. On the other hand, the secondary palace was built on incomplete and irregular feng shui terrain. Feng shui was part of the nature and the geography of the ruling classes in the Joseon Dynasty. By examining their geography, I believe that the perfection of traditional culture inheritance and restoration can be improved.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.427-449
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• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.507-516
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• 1999

More than twenty-five major international bodies of water bear the names of particular nations or states. Many of these are not names are widely accepted, but considerable disagreement has developed in some cases. A systematic examination of the level of conflict over the use of national names for international bodies of water indicates that conflict is most likely to develop where shifting power relations among interested states produce concern about the hegemonic ambitions of the state after which the body of water is named. This is the case in the three situations where considerable contention exists over the use of a national name for an international body of water: the Persian Gulf/Arabian Sea, the Sea of Japan/East Sea, and the South China SealBien Dong. Cases evidencing little contention are those where either no state has a significant interest in the naming issue, or where the name that is attached to the body of water is that of a state that has not been a historic threat to others in the region. Naming international bodies of water after nations or states is potentially problematic because such appellations can connote ownership or control by a single people or political entity. An understanding of the controversies surrounding these place names requires consideration of the geopolitical context in which they are embedded.