• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.29-54
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• 2008

This is to review the reform of the governance for science and technology advanced by the Noh Moo Hyun government. The reform mainly included introducing the vice premiership for science and technology, strengthening the coordinative function of the National Science and Technology Committee over the public R&D budget and programs, and establishing the Office of Science and Technology Innovation under the vice premier for science and technology. The reform aims to improve not only the policy coordinative mechanism but policy discourse mechanism over the enhanced science and technology policy. This paper argues that Noh Moo Hyun Government's reform of the governance for science and technology was not successful. The reason is that the reform targeted mainly to improve the policy coordination among government departments concerning science and technology policy. But it was nearly neglected to make effective the policy discourse mechanism linking the state actors and societal actors.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.143-154
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• 2013

This article explores on the deploying of game rating system in the context of whole game governance. Rating system is critical apparatus of game policy because it works as a kind of counterweight between different actors. We analyse to apply the three form of governmentality by Faucault. Rating system can be commonly considered as security mechanism. Korean rating system has hoped to be so but its effect was not actually. We should see why that system evolve to disciplinary mechanism, not toward security mechanism. Sound governance shows to be ensure all actors to participate its procedures practically, through constituting more rich discourse.

• East Asian Journal of Business Economics (EAJBE)
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.17-28
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• 2021

Purpose - This article aims to explore the mechanism in which environmental regulations have positive effects on corporate competitiveness through technological innovation. This study also attempts to examine the relationship between environmental regulation and corporate competitiveness from a technological innovation perspective and explore a desirable relationship between those two. Research design, data, and methodology - Discourse analysis and SWOT analysis is used in terms of methodology, and this study is based on literature review theoretically. The methodology is employed in various ways to describe a variety of environmental issues. Result - The results support that technological innovation is able to play a role in coordinating relationship between environmental regulations and corporate competitiveness. The uncertainty and time lag problems innate to technological innovation function as disturbing factors for individual companies to actively increase R&D investment in response to environmental regulations. Environmental regulations may be considered to be working as a factor consolidating corporate competitiveness through technological innovation to respond to the environmental regulations including climate change issue. Conclusion - This study proposes that to achieve two goals of environmental protection and corporate competitiveness consolidation, policy support from various aspects is implied to be required. This implies that environmental regulations and technical innovation must be harmoniously balanced for future corporate success.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.187-226
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• 2017

North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.169-196
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• 2006

As social work practice for the disabled is still centered in provider's perspective in Korea, this study started with concerns for consumerism that is emerging as an alternative for the social work practice for the disabled. Consumerism is rooted in organization process of the disability rights movement, and considered as an ideology that protects actively the rights and influence of consumers. However, consumerism is not operating as an accomplished ideology yet, but as a type of the practical discourse. Consumerism is interpreted in multiaxial meanings and the conscituents of consumerism is used ambiguously in practice. This is because theoretical reviews on the conceptual thinking of consumerism are scant and empirical inquiries into conceptual cognition of social workers who uses this concept as a professional are scarce. After analyzing the data using Q methodology, the result shows that social workers' major cognitive types on consumerism perspective consists of four types; Empowerment type, Market-mechanism type, Multi-opening type and Traditional-value type. These types are classified by the dimension of 'specific/extended', 'traditional/reformative' and 'instrumental/autotelic'. This result will attribute to develop consumer-intimate policy, practice program and professional training program and to give facilities for lucid communication among policy, practice field, theory and movement in social welfare for disabled as it materializes the explicit conception of consumerism that is understood ambiguously in Korea.