• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.305-312
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• 2022

Each country's economic progress creates opportunities for its citizens to raise their income. Meanwhile, the country has secured the people's social security policies, particularly the protection of income equality, to promote harmonious and sustained economic development. Vietnam has been located in a dynamic economic development area in Southeast Asia since the 1986 economic reforms, with an annual growth rate of around 7%. Meanwhile, having achieved a middle-income status of roughly 3500 USD per person per year, Vietnam is attempting to maintain income equality and access to welfare systems for its inhabitants. As a result, the primary goal of this study is to use an autoregressive distributed lagged model to investigate the effects of income inequality and other economic factors such as foreign direct investment and trade openness on Vietnam's economic growth from 1992 to 2019. The research focuses attention on literature on income inequality, economic development indicators, and economic development in unique ways in this study. Income inequality slows the rate of change in economic development in the same year, according to our findings. Finally, the study will make policy suggestions to the Vietnamese government.

• 수완나부미
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.67-105
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• 2014

This study focuses on the iconography of Hindu deities in Bagan period. As a country in Southeast Asia, Myanmar received her culture from Indianized culture. As aforesaid, sailors, traders, and settlers brought with them Brahmanism and Buddhism into Myanmar. A possibility is that local chiefs or the rulers invited Brahmans to conduct coronations, weddings, and burials in Brahmanical rites as they will much impressed by the Brahmanical thoughts and beliefs. Accordingly, Brahmanic icons as objects of worship are found quite in number of places, especially in Thaton, Bago, Vesali, Sriksetra, Bagan and Kawgoon. Apart from Buddhist iconography, the Brahmanic icons of various sects can be found in Bagan. Brahmanic deities are illustrated with Buddhist painting, which is a characteristic of Baganreligious iconography. Most of the scenes on Hinduism are to be found in NatlaungKyaung, Nanpaya and Shwesandaw Pagoda. Myanmar people, however, knowingly or unknowingly ignore some features of Indian deitiesand eventually the iconsare found in various places in Bagan.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제34권
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• pp.109-131
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• 2007

This paper has focusing CheongHaeJin's maritime trading activities between Korea, China and Japan in the 9th century. In operation of CheongHaeJin which Chang BoGo was given a key role, CheongHaeJin creates three nation's wealth in triangular trade among Korea, China and Japan. And also, CheongHaeJin's contribution is considerable to the maritime trade development of Northeast Asia through establishing trading advance base in China and Japan, and organizing Shilla's people in China. Chang BoGo justified the control over small business groups of the west and south sea of Korea and the east and south sea of China by keeping pirates away His trade groups controlled foreign trade of three countries: Shilla, the Dang Dynasty of China and Japan. They connected Persia, India, Southeast Asia, and China. CheongHaeJin's key success factors of the maritime activities are summarized as follows; There is a possibility of searching that successful factor from the people of operator of CheongHaeJin. Based on oceanic adventurous spirit with character and progressive thinking could complete the rally of sea influence and composition of fleets. Secondly, the success factor is the excellent operational ability and leadership which learned in the Dang Dynasty of China. Thirdly, In 9th century, International political context was suitable for CheongHaeJin's construction and operation. Such political circumstances had given to CheongHaeJin remunerative position. Finally, Although central government could not maintain the sea traffic securities, Chang BoGo's ocean trading fleets guaranteed the safe fishing industry of people and security of sea traffic.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

2018년 캄보디아 총선에서 집권당인 캄보디아인민당이 76.78%를 득표하며 하원 125석 전체를 석권했다. 총선 전 강제 해산되어 선거에 참여할 수 없었던 캄보디아구국당은 선거 거부 운동으로 저항했고 캄보디아인민당은 투표 독려로 대응했다. 그 결과 2018년 총선은 투표율로써 선거의 정당성을 심판하는 선거가 되었는데, 투표율 82.89%는 캄보디아인민당에게 승리와 함께 선거의 부당성을 희석하는 성과도 제공했다. 캄보디아구국당 지지층의 표는 분산되었다. 약 60만 표의 무효표는 캄보디아인민당에 대한 반대를 의미하지만, 그 두배의 유권자들이 캄보디아인민당 지지로 선회함으로써 전체 결과를 부정하기에는 부족했다. 2013년 총선에서 정권교체의 위기를 경험한 캄보디아인민당은 안정적인 선거 승리와 정권 연장을 위해 총선 전 캄보디아구국당을 강제 해산하여 2018년 총선에서 경쟁을 제거하였다. 역대 총선을 통해 패권적 선거권위주의에서 경쟁적 선거권위주의로의 점진적 이행 궤적을 그리던 캄보디아의 정치체제는 2018년 총선을 통해 다시 패권적 선거권위주의로 퇴행하였다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제32권3호
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• pp.7-20
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• 2023

The compositions of ethnic groups in Macau vary with time. Prior to the opening of the port, the majority of the residents in Macau were Chinese people, including those living on land and at sea. After the port was opened, with the increase of Portugal businessmen and missionaries, the population was divided into Chinese people and foreigners (so-called 'Yiren' or 夷人 in Chinese). Chinese people living on land were mainly of Hakka, Fujian, and Cantonese descent. Those living at sea were referred to as 'Tanka People' (named 'Danmin' or 蜑民in Chinese). They lived on floating boats for their entire lives and were similar to the 'drifters' in Japan. Since modern times, many refugees from mainland China and Southeast Asia flooded into Macau due to warfare. The development of industrialization required a larger number of laborers, and some 'coolies' entered Macau in legal or illegal ways, making it a multi-ethnic city. However, the Tanka people were not considered a minority ethnic group under the national ethnic policy of 56 ethnic groups since they did not have an exclusive language and shared dialects in different regions. As the ports inhabited by Tanka people gradually restored foreign trade, the boats and stilt houses used by Tanka people were dismantled to expand the infrastructure area of the ports. Many Tanka people began to live on land and marry people on land, leading to the disappearance of the Tanka group in Macau. The fishing boats and stilt houses used by Tanka people have also disappeared, with only a few remaining in areas such as Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong. This paper examines the natural and social environment of Tanka people in Macau from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the Republic of China, as well as the adaptive changes they adopted for the aforementioned environment in terms of living space and architectural type, on the basis of summarizing the historical activities of Tanka people. Finally, this study provides a layout plan and interior structure of the most commonly used boat for Tanka people from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the Republic of China, with the use of CAD and other technical software, along with reference to written historical documentation, and provides a case study for further research on the architectural history of Macau's inner harbor cities, from anthropological and folklore perspectives.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.213-243
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• 2017

2016년 상반기에 인도네시아 조코위 대통령은, 정당들의 내부 갈등을 적절히 활용하면서, 주요 정당으로부터의 지지를 구하려는 노력을 계속했다. 그러나 2017년 자카르타 주지사 선거를 앞두고 과열된 선거운동의 와중에 등장한, 중국계이자 기독교인인 현직 '아혹' 주지사의 신성모독에 대한 비난은 조코위를 곤경에 빠뜨렸다. 이슬람수호전선과 같은 급진적 이슬람 단체들이 이끄는 50만여 명의 시민들이 자카르타의 거리로 나와 아혹의 구속을 요구했다. 정체성의 정치의 재등장으로 인도네시아 민족의 경계 및 종교와 정치에 대한 인도네시아의 핵심적인 전제들은 도전을 받게 되었다. 외교정책의 영역에서 조코위 정부는 자국의 영해 내에서의 불법 조업에 대한 단호한 태도를 유지했다. 그러나 나투나 해역에서 인도네시아와 중국의 충돌이 있었음에도 불구하고 이러한 긴장이 통제 불가능할 정도로 악화될 가능성은 크지 않다. 조코위 정부는 2019년 대통령 선거에서 주요 성과로 선전할 인프라 건설을 위해 부유한 이웃 국가들의 투자를 필요로 하기 때문이다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.1-29
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• 2010

In 1835, quickly after the Cambodian king Ang Chan died, Vietnamese emperor Minh Mang started to proceed his ambition to grab the territory of Cambodia. As the first step, he stationed big forces led by Truong Minh Giang in Phnom Phen, and appointed the Ang Chan's second daughter, Mei, as the successor of her father but with the humble title of Chan Lap Quan Chu, or the Prefecture sovereign of Cambodia. This article discusses the ways how the Vietnamese leaders manipulated the status of the Cambodian queen with each step of protection, assimilation, and finally a rupture. The author seeks for Vietnamese own theory of annexation in the process. In doing so, the author claims that Vietnamese tough policy of annexation was closely interwoven with the unequal relationship between the Vietnamese emperors and the Cambodian queen, i. e. men and woman. The first chapter discusses how and why the second daughter was chosen, and what in reality the status of the queen was under the protection of Vietnamese general Truong Minh Giang. Second chapter shows how much Mei was bullied by the Vietnamese. She was kidnapped to Vietnam, and was even regarded by the Cambodian people that she became the 'lover' or the 'concubine' of the general Truong Minh Giang. Third chapter deals with Vietnam's retreat forced by the Cambodian resistance together with the Thai intervention, and discusses how much Vietnam tried to maintain its authority over Cambodia through the queen Mei. Cambodia, in the 19th century, was a experimental place for the 'mission of civilization' from the side of Vietnam. Mei was a main character in this period from the beginning to the end. The conclusion of this article stresses that the desire of Vietnam ('civilized') to assimilate Cambodia ('barbarious') was strengthened by the psychology of the male master (Vietnam) to domesticate the female subject (Cambodia). The relationship between Vietnam and Cambodia was not only political but also gender oriented. In this epic, the existence of the queen Mei should be regarded as an important key to understanding of the Vietnamese theory for the annexation of Cambodia.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.845-849
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• 2016

Background: Worldwide, the incidence of cancers is increasing and is becoming a major public health issue, including those in the Asia Pacific region. South-East Asia is a region with diverse populations with different disease spectra. This study looked at the spectrum of cancers among South-East Asians working in Brunei Darussalam. Materials and Methods: The cancer registry from 1994 to 2012 maintained by the State Laboratory was retrospectively reviewed. Crude incidence rates were calculated based on the population census of 2010. Results: Altogether, there was a total of 418 cancer cases diagnosed among South-East Asians, giving an incidence of 5.1% (n=418/8,253). The affected nationals in decreasing frequency were Malaysians (53.1%), followed by Filipinos (25.8%), Indonesians (15.3%), Thais (3.8%), Myanmese (1.7%) and Vietnamese (0.2%) with no recorded cases for Singapore and the People's Republic of Laos. The overall mean age of diagnosis was $46.1{\pm}4.2$ years old, with an increasing trend over the years (p<0.05 ANOVA). The overall gender ratio was 42.3:57.7 (male:female), more females among the Filipinos and Indonesians, more males among the Thais, and equal representation among the Malaysians and the Myanmese. The most common were cancers of the digestive system (19.9%), followed by female reproductive/gynecologic system (16.0%), breast (15.6%), hematological/lymphatic (12.0%) and head/neck (8.1%). There were differences in the prevalence of cancers among the various nationalities with highest crude incidence rate among the Myanmese (141.2/100,000), followed by the Malaysian (88.5/100,000), and the Filipinos (40.6/100,000) and the lowest among the Thais (18.4/100,000), Indonesians (10.5/100,000) and the Vietnamese (6.3/100,000). Conclusions: Cancers among South-East Asian residing in Brunei Darussalam accounted for 5.1% of all cancers. The most common cancers were cancers of the digestive, gynecologic/female reproductive system and breast with certain types slowly increasing in proportions. There mean age of diagnoses was increasing.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.137-184
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• 2011

This article is aimed at understanding the political narratives represented in the National Museum of Indonesia. Starting initially as a colonial museum, the National Museum of Indonesia functioned as a useful tool for the Dutch colonial force to fuel its imaginations of the colonial territory and the people within it. The Dutch used the cultural display to advertize its benevolent colonial rule. All the while, the museum also inevitably reflected orientalism on the people and the culture of the colony. The republic of Indonesia inherited the colonial museum's practices and its display patterns. The business surrounding the museum also played a key role in the newly-born nation-state laying out a future for its redefined territory and people. Thus, what the colonial force imagined for the colonial territory through the study of museum displays was rather directly transferred to the republic without serious consideration of the decolonization process. Four main characteristics have been seen in the museum displays. The first is an emphasis on the glorious Hindu-Buddha history, from which numerous temples, statues, and jewelry have been found. Secondly, the Islamic period, which spanned between the Hindu-Buddha times to the colonial era, has almost completely been eliminated from the display. Third, the colonial era has been depicted as the time of Europe's exportation of scientific tools and adaption of sophisticated living patterns. Fourth, the images of ethnic groups were represented as being stagnant without reflecting any challenges and responses that these groups had faced throughout history. Looking at these display patterns, it can be concluded that all the dynamic internal developments and anti-colonial resistance that took place during the Islamic and Colonial Era have simply not been represented in the museum display. These display patterns do not reflect the real history or culture of the archipelago. Two considerations are thought to have influenced the neglecting of social realities in the display. The first of which is the Dutch's and Republic's apprehension over the possible political upheaval by the Islamic forces. Yet, more fundamentally, cultural displays themselves are distinct from historical education in that the former pays more attention to business ideas with an aim to attract tourists rather than to project objective historical knowledge. Thus, in cultural displays, objects which work to stimulate fantasies and spur curiosity on archipelagic culture tend to be selected and emphasized. In this process, historical objectivity is sometimes considered less vital. Cultural displays are set up to create more appealing narratives for viewers. Therefore, if a narrative loses its luster, it will be replaced by another flashy and newly-resurrected memory. This fact reveals that museums, as transmitters of historical knowledge, have a certain degree of limitation in playing their role.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권3호
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• pp.111-158
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• 2018

최근 정부 및 교육기관 차원의 해외취업/인턴십 프로그램이 증가하면서 싱가포르의 저숙련 저임금 서비스 직종에서 일하는 한인 청년들이 늘어나고 있다. 본 연구는 이처럼 싱가포르 내 새로운 유형의 한인 이주자로 등장하고 있는 이 청년들과 싱가포르, 한국에서 진행한 심층면접조사를 바탕으로, 이들의 해외 취업 동기와 기대, 취업 이주 경로, 싱가포르에서의 일 경험, 귀국 후 생활을 살펴본다. 싱가포르 해외취업 경험이 있는 청년 중 다수는 싱가포르 취업 사증 중 가장 낮은 등급의 저숙련 사증인 WP(Work Permit)를 소지하고 서비스직에서 근무하며 탈숙련화를 경험하고 있다. 본 논문은 이들이 취업 이주를 통해 자신들의 기대와 목표를 충족하고 있는지, 아니라면 어떻게 대응하며, 자신의 이주 경험을 어떻게 해석하고 있는지 살펴보고자 한다. 최근 증가하고 있는 청년단기 해외취업 현상에 대해 만족도 효용 평가, 프로그램 정책 평가 및 제언 등을 담은 연구들이 발표되고 있다. 그러나 이를 이주 연구(migration studies)의 맥락에서 살펴보고, 청년들의 구체적인 경험들과 그에 대한 본인들의 해석에 집중하는 연구는 드물다. 본 연구는 이들의 경험을 면밀히 살피고, 이를 탈숙련화와 이동성 자본(mobility capital) 개념을 통해 해석해 봄으로써, 청년 해외취업의 구조적인 문제를 드러냄과 동시에 이들의 행위자성에 주목한다.