• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.982-991
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• 2006

The screen quota system is one of the most controversial issues in the Korean film industry. There are two different points of view regarding the system. Some say it is highly effective to protect and nurture Korean movies. However, others argue that it hurts the duality of the Korean movies. The number of days, for which Korean movies have to play on local screens, has been reduced to 73, starting on July 1st, 2006. Actually, it is 50 percent fewer than the previous year. In facL Korea has implemented the screen quota. system two times. First, it was practiced from 1935 to 1945, during the Japanese colonial period. This was to regulate imported movies, especially American ones, as the Japanese government was to use movies for the political propaganda. In 1935, the number of foreign movies screened had to be less than three fourths of the total. And they gradually reduced the size by two thirds in 1936, and again by half in 1937. After the attack on Pearl Harbor when the Pacific War happened, Japan completely banned importing American movies in Korea. The reason why it regulated the imported foreign films is to increase the number of domestic movies, both Japanese and Korean. It was for making propaganda films fur carrying the war. The second practice of the screen quota is from 1967 to the present year. It was designed to boom the Korean film industry. However, the competitive power of Korean films has not been improved in spite of the practice of the system. Moreover, the film industry has gone through the depression. Korean film agencies have occupied the Korean film market thanks to the protection by government. The founding of the film agencies has been strongly regulated. So has importing foreign movies. Under the special protection like this, Korean film agencies have been enjoying the monopoly In the mean time, they have pursued income not by making quality movies but by importing foreign movies. As a result, cinema audiences turn away form Korean films and prefer foreign movies. Furthermore, the screen quota system hurts the relationship between film producers and distributors, imposing the duties only on theaters. In short, the screen quota system has satisfied neither film producers, theater runners, nor film goers. In other words. the excessive protection has weakened the competitive power of Korean film industry.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.172-193
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• 2013

This study examines the production techniques and raw materials shown in the Korean dried-lacquer statues of Buddha through a careful observation of the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue from the late Goryeo Dynasty which is currently possessed by Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo. As a method of study, the X-ray data and the results from a field survey were combined to analyze the production techniques and the characteristics of raw materials. Based on this analysis, a hypothesis was established on the production process and verified through a reenactment of the actual production process. Then, the characteristics of the techniques applied to each process and the raw materials were recorded in detail. Specifically, the dried lacquer techniques and the raw materials were estimated based on the results of naked-eye observation in comparison with the literature, especially the records of "Xiu Shi Lu" written by Huang Cheng of the Ming Dynasty which is considered as 'the textbook of lacquer techniques.' The raw materials used in the production of the traditional Korean lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl were also referenced. As a result, it was found that the features of production techniques and the raw materials found in the Statue at Okura Museum of Art have many similarities with those of the Seated Dried-lacquer Statue of Lohan (Arhat) from Yuanfu 2 Nian Ming (1098) of the Song Dynasty which is currently at the Honolulu Museum of Art. In particular, the similarities include that the interior of the statue being vacant because the clay and the wood core were not replaced after being removed from the prototype, that the complete form was made in the clay forming stage to apply the lacquer with baste fiber fabric, that the clay and the wood core were removed through the bottom of the statue, and that the modeling stage was omitted and the final coat over the statue is very thin. Additionally, decorating with ornaments like Bobal and Youngrak made of plastic material was a technique widely popular in the Song Dynasty, suggesting that the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue in Okura Museum of Art was greatly affected by the production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Song Dynasty. There is no precise record on the origin and history of the Korean Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues and the number of existing works is also very limited. Even the records in "Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing" that tells us about the origin of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Yuan Feng Period (1078~1085) do not indicate the time of transmission. It is also difficult to trace the clear route of transmission of production techniques through existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues. Fortunately, this study could at least reveal that the existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues of Korea, including the one at Okura Museum of Art, have applied the production techniques rather differently from those used in the production of Japanese Datsukatsu Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues that have been known as the standard rule in making dried-lacquer statues of Buddha for a long time.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.26-31
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• 2022

This study was carried out to evaluate the growth characteristics and forage yield potential for warm season grass as emergency forages. The experimental design was a randomized block design (RBD) with three replications. Two barnyard millet (Echinochloa species cv. Shirohie and Jeju native), a pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum cv Feed milk 2) a proso millet (Panicum miliaceum cv Native), a teffgrass (Eragrostis tef cv. Tiffany) and a kleingrass (Panicum coloratum cv. Selection 75) were compared for forage production and quality at the Mid regions of Korea. Warm season forage crops were sown on May 21 and June 23 respectively, and in 2021, it was sown twice on May 21 and June 21 The number of days to seedling emergence for barnyard millet and teffgrass was observed approximately 10 and 3 days after seeding, respectively. The cultivation period from seeding to harvest was within 60 days for all entry spices except for the late-heading type barnyard millet (within 84 days). As for the dry matter yield by seeding date, the dry matter yield of the late-heading type barnyard millet in May seeding was the highest at 23,872 kg/ha, and the kleingrass was the lowest at 3,888 kg/ha. For the June seeding, the dry matter yield of the late-heading type barnyard millet was 17,032 kg/ha, the highest, and the proso millet, teffgrass and kleingrass showed the lowest at 5,468, 5,442, and 5,197 kg/ha, respectively. The crude protein (CP) content was varied by warm season grass species, but the early-heading type barnyard millet, teffgrass, and kleingrass showed the highest tendency, and the late-heading type barnyard millet showed the lowest at 5.7~5.9%. Neutral detergent fiber (NDF) and acid detergent fiber (ADF) content did not show a significant difference between the seeding in May, but kleingrass in June sowed lower than the others.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.76-98
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• 2023

The results of analyzing the outfits of male and female characters depicted in the "Hoehonryedocheop" (回婚禮圖帖, Deoksu 6375) held by the National Museum of Korea and estimating its production date of the "Hoehonryedocheop"are as follows. Firstly, an elderly groom is depicted wearing a patterned heukdanryeong (黑團領) with rank badges, a garment commonly donned by government officials in works such as "Jeonanryedo (奠鴈禮圖)" and "Gyobaeryedo (交拜禮圖)". And the old groom in "Heonsuryedo (獻壽禮圖)" "Jeobbindo (接賓圖)" and "Jungroeyeondo (重牢宴圖)" is shown wearing a jarip (purple hat) without a paeyoung (ornamental jewelry strap), accompanied by jade colored robe with a red strap belt. Gireokabeom (雁夫) is observed wearing a jarip (紫笠) adorned with a paeyoung (貝纓) and a patternless heukdanryeong with rank badges. Adult male descendants are depicted wearing dopo (道袍), while guests wear dopo, cheolrik (帖裏), and jikryeong (直領), accompanied by red and blue straps denoting their social status. Jingssi (徵氏), sidong (侍童), and young grandchildren are observed wearing jungchimak(中赤莫). The young servants are wearing jungchimak, and the boys carrying the food have braided their hair and worn sochangu (小氅衣), while adults servants wore jeonrip (氈笠) and sochangui. Performers are seen clad in a sochangui, jeonbok, and a blue sash around their waists. Secondly, the elderly bride is portrayed wearing a keunmeori (ceremonial headdress) and a green wonsam (圓衫) in "Gyobaeryedo," while in "Heonsuyeondo," she is depicted in a blue skirt and a jade colored jeogori (赤古里). Women descendants are shown adorning headdress decorations, such as binyeo(簪), banja(斑子) and pearl daenggi (眞珠唐紒) on their eoyeomeori (於于味, ceremonial headdress). They are further dressed in skirts of navy, red, and jade hues, paired with various-colored jeogori. Additionally, a woman wearing a navy skirt and a green jangot (長衣) is also depicted. The dongnyeo (童女, unmarried women) wear beolsaengmeri (娘子雙髻), headdress) with long binyeo and long dodaik-daenggi (都多益唐只). They wear chilbo-jokduri (七寶簇頭里) and a red skirt with a green hoejang-jeogori (回裝赤古里). Bija (婢子) wears garima (加里亇) on her eoyeomeori and is seen dressed in skirts and jeogori resembling those worn by noble women, albeit with lighter colors, shorter skirt length, and a subdued volume. Ginyeo's attire bears similarities to that of noble women, although with a dress with less vibrant tones and devoid of decorations on the eoyeomeori. Thirdly, based on the main character's jarip, along with the cheolrik and jikryeong worn by the guests, as well as the performances by musicians of the military camp, it is suggested that the main character of the 60th wedding anniversary is connected to the Ministry of Military Affairs or the military camp. Judging by the military band's short-sleeved vest, the silhouettes of the women dress, and the headdresses, it is likely that the "Hoehonryedocheop" was produced between the 1760s and 1780s.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.135-148
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• 2010

Arab boycotts of Danish products, Australian boycotts of French products and Chinese consumer aversion toward Japanese products are all examples of how adverse actions at the country level might impact consumers' behavior. The animosity literature has examined how consumers react to the adverse actions of other countries, and how such animosity impacts consumers' attitudes and preferences for products from the transgressing country. For example, Chinese consumers are less likely to buy Japanese products because of Japanese atrocities during World War II and the unjust economic dealings of the Japanese (Klein, Ettenson and Morris 1998). The marketing literature, however, has not examined how consumers react to adverse actions committed by their own country against other countries, and whether such actions affect their attitudes towards purchasing products that originated from the adversely affected country. The social psychology literature argues that consumers will experience a feeling called collective guilt, in response to such adverse actions. Collective guilt stems from the distress experienced by group members when they accept that their group is responsible for actions that have harmed another group (Branscombe, Slugoski, and Kappenn 2004). Examples include Americans feeling guilty about the atrocities committed by the U.S. military at Abu Ghraib prison (Iyer, Schamder and Lickel 2007), and the Dutch about their occupation of Indonesia in the past (Doosje et al. 1998). The primary aim of this study is to examine consumers' perceptions of adverse actions by members of one's own country against another country and whether such perceptions affected their attitudes towards products originating from the country transgressed against. More specifically, one objective of this study is to examine the perceptual antecedents of collective guilt, an emotional reaction to adverse actions performed by members of one's country against another country. Another objective is to examine the impact of collective guilt on consumers' perceptions of, and preference for, products originating from the country transgressed against by the consumers' own country. If collective guilt emerges as a significant predictor, companies originating from countries that have been transgressed against might be able to capitalize on such unfortunate events. This research utilizes the animosity model introduced by Klein, Ettenson and Morris (1998) and later expanded on by Klein (2002). Klein finds that U.S. consumers harbor animosity toward the Japanese. This animosity is experienced in response to events that occurred during World War II (i.e., the bombing of Pearl Harbor) and more recently the perceived economic threat from Japan. Thus this study argues that the events of Word War II (i.e., bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki) might lead U.S. consumers to experience collective guilt. A series of three hypotheses were introduced. The first hypothesis deals with the antecedents of collective guilt. Previous research argues that collective guilt is experienced when consumers perceive that the harm following a transgression is illegitimate and that the country from which the transgressors originate should be responsible for the adverse actions. (Wohl, Branscombe, and Klar 2006). Therefore the following hypothesis was offered: H1a. Higher levels of perceived illegitimacy for the harm committed will result in higher levels of collective guilt. H1b. Higher levels of responsibility will be positively associated with higher levels of collective guilt. The second and third hypotheses deal with the impact of collective guilt on the preferences for Japanese products. Klein (2002) found that higher levels of animosity toward Japan resulted in a lower preference for a Japanese product relative to a South Korean product but not a lower preference for a Japanese product relative to a U.S. product. These results therefore indicate that the experience of collective guilt will lead to a higher preference for a Japanese product if consumers are contemplating a choice that inv olves a decision to buy Japanese versus South Korean product but not if the choice involves a decision to buy a Japanese versus a U.S. product. H2. Collective guilt will be positively related to the preference for a Japanese product over a South Korean product, but will not be related to the preference for a Japanese product over a U.S. product. H3. Collective guilt will be positively related to the preference for a Japanese product over a South Korean product, holding constant product judgments and animosity. An experiment was conducted to test the hypotheses. The illegitimacy of the harm and responsibility were manipulated by exposing respondents to a description of adverse events occurring during World War II. Data were collected using an online consumer panel in the United States. Subjects were randomly assigned to either the low levels of responsibility and illegitimacy condition (n=259) or the high levels of responsibility and illigitemacy (n=268) condition. Latent Variable Structural Equation Modeling (LVSEM) was used to test the hypothesized relationships. The first hypothesis is supported as both the illegitimacy of the harm and responsibility assigned to the Americans for the harm committed against the Japanese during WWII have a positive impact on collective guilt. The second hypothesis is also supported as collective guilt is positively related to preference for a Japanese product over a South Korean product but is not related to preference for a Japanese product over a U.S. product. Finally there is support for the third hypothesis, since collective guilt is positively related to the preference for a Japanese product over a South Korean product while controlling for the effect of product judgments about Japanese products and animosity. The results of these studies lead to several conclusions. First, the illegitimacy of harm and responsibility can be manipulated and that they are antecedents of collective guilt. Second, collective guilt has an impact on a consumers' decision when they face a choice set that includes a product from the country that was the target of the adverse action and a product from another foreign country. This impact however disappears from a consumers' decision when they face a choice set that includes a product from the country that was the target of the adverse action and a domestic product. This result suggests that collective guilt might be a viable factor for company originating from the country transgressed against if its competitors are foreign but not if they are local.