In this study, the antioxidative effects, inhibitory effects on elastase and tyrosinase, and component analysis of Psidium guajava leaf extracts were investigated. The free radical (1,1-diphenyl-2-picrylhydrazyl, DPPH) scavenging activities
Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.
The Object of research was laid on the dry paddy field which had a low level of underground water, rather than on a paddy field with a high level of underground water. In the treatment of the clay paddy field before transplanting we employed 3 kinds of methods; deep plowing, development of cracks by drying the surface of the field under which pipe drain was built. This study was to find which one, among these three methods, is the most effective to let roots extend to deep zone and increase the yield of rice and at the same time, for trafficability of large scale machinery which will be introduced to the harvest, in the light of the earth bearing capacity in relation with underground drainage. In the treatments of plots, 1) the kyong plot was plowed 39 days before transplanting and dried, 2) the kyun plot was plowed again 2days before transplanting after plowing 39 days before transplanting, leveling field surface in the saturation with water and developing the cracks by drying, 3) the kyunam plot was plowed again 2 days before transplanting after setting the drainage pipe and at the same time plowing 39 days before transplanting, leveling field surface in the saturation with water and developing the cracks by drying. Also each plot above had three different levels of soil depth, respectively; that is 15cm, 25cm, 35cm. The kyong plot with 15cm-depth was he control. The results obtained were as follows; 1. The kyunam plot showed a remarkably lager amount of water consumption by better underground drainage than the kyong and the kyun plot, and the kyong plot indicated a greater amount of water consumption than the kyun plot. Therefore the amount of available rainfall was decreased in the order of kyunam>kyong>kyun. The net duty of water decreased in the order of kyunam>kyong>kyun and its showed about 105cm in depth at the kyunam plot, about 70cm in depth at the kyong plot and about 45cm in depth at kyun plot, regardless of soil depth. 2. According to the tendency that the weight of the total root was effected by the maximum depth of the crack, it seemed that the root development was more affected by the depth of the crack than by only the crack itself. The weight of the total roots tended to increase as the depth of the crack got deeper and deeper, and the weight of the total roots was increased in the order of kyun<kyunam<kyong. 3. In the growing of the plant height, the difference did not appear at the beginning of growing(peak period of tillering) of any plot, But for the mid period of growing(ending period of tillering) to the period of young panicle formation, the deeper the depth of plot is, the more the growing goes down. On the contrary at the late period of growing, growth was more vigorous in the plot with deep depth than in the plot with shallow depth. Since the midperiod of growing, in the light of experimental treatment, the kyun plot was not better in growing than the other two plots and no remarkable defference was shown between the kyunam and the kyong plot, but the kyunam plot had the tendency of superiority in growing plant height. 4. As the depth of plot went deeper, the decreasing tendency was shown in the number of tillers through a whole period of growingi. When the above results were observed concering each plot of experimental treatment, the kyun plot was always smaller in the number of tiilers than the kyunam and the kvong plot, and the kyong plot was slightly larger than the kyunam plot in the number of tillers. 5. When each plot of the different experimental treatments was compared with the control plot(15-kyong), yield(weight of grains) was increased by 17% for the 35-kyong plot, by 10% for the 35-kyunam and yields for the other plots were less or nomore than the control plot. On the whole, as the depth of plot went deeper, yields for plots was increased in the order of kyong>kyunam>kyun. 1% of significance between the levels of depths and 5% of significance between the treatments were shown. 6. The depth of consumptive water which was more effective on the weight of grains is that of the last half period. When the depth of consumptive water was increased at the range of less than 2.7cm/day in the 15cm plot, 3.0cm/day in the 25cm plot and 3.3cm/day in the 35cm plot, the weight of grains was increased, and at the same time the weight of grains was increased as the depth of plot went deeper. The deeper plots was of advantage to the productivity at the same depth of consumptive water. 7. The increase in the weight of grains in propertion to the weighte of root showed a tendency to increase depending on the depth of plot at each plot of the same weight of roots. The weight of roots and grains together increasezd in the order of kyun>kyunam>kyong, considering each treatment of experimental plot. The weight of grains was in relation to the minimum water content ratio during the midperiod of surface drainage and the average earth temperature was mainly affected by the minimum water content ratio because it was relatively increased in proportion to the water content ratio(at less than 40%) 8. The weight ratio of straw to grain showed an increasing tendency at the plot of shallow depth and had a relation of an inversely exponental function to the weight of roots. At the same depth of plot except the 15cm plot, the weight ratio of straw to grain was increased in proportion to the depth of consumptive water. The weight of grains was increased as the depth of consumptive water was increased to some extent, but at the same time the weight of ratio of straw to grain was increased. 9. At a certain texture of soils the increase in the amount of the cracks depends on meteorological conditions, especially increase in amounts of pan evaporation. So if it rains during the progressing of field drying the cracks largely decrease. The amount of cracks of clay soil had relation of inversely exponental function to the water content ratio(at more than 25%). The maximum depth of crack kept generally a constant value at less than 30% of water content ratio. 10. The cone index showed the tendency that it was propertional to the amount of cracks within a certain limit but more or less inversely proportional over a certain limit. The water content ratio at the limit may be about 25%. 11. The increase in the cone index with the progressing of time after final surface drainage showed the tendency that it was proportional to the depth of consumptive water at the last half of growing period. Based on the same depth of if the cone index in the kyunam plot was much larger than in the other two plots and that in the kyong plot was much smaller than in the kyun plott, as long as the depth of plot was deeper, especially in the 35-kyong plot. 12. In the light of a situation where water content ratio of soil decreased and the cone index increased after final surface drainage the porogress of the field dryness was much more rapid in the kyunam plot than in the kyong plot and the kyun plot, especially slowest in the kyong plot. In the plot with deeper zone the progress was much slower. The progress requiring the value of the cone index,
There was much mass movement at many different mountain side of Peong Chang area in Kwangwon province by the influence of heavy rainfall through August/4 5, 1979. This study have done with the fact observed through the field survey and the information of the former researchers. The results are as follows; 1. Heavy rainfall area with more than 200mm per day and more than 60mm per hour as maximum rainfall during past 6 years, are distributed in the western side of the connecting line through Hoeng Seong, Weonju, Yeongdong, Muju, Namweon and Suncheon, and of the southern sea side of KeongsangNam-do. The heavy rain fan reason in the above area seems to be influenced by the mouktam range and moving direction of depression. 2. Peak point of heavy rainfall distribution always happen during the night time and seems to cause directly mass movement and serious damage. 3. Soil mass movement in Peongchang break out from the course sandy loam soil of granite group and the clay soil of lime stone and shale. Earth have moved along the surface of both bedrock or also the hardpan in case of the lime stone area. 4. Infiltration seems to be rapid on the both bedrock soil, the former is by the soil texture and the latter is by the crumb structure, high humus content and dense root system in surface soil. 5. Topographic pattern of mass movement spot is mostly the concave slope at the valley head or at the upper part of middle slope which run-off can easily come together from the surrounding slope. Soil profile of mass movement spot has wet soil in the lime stone area and loose or deep soil in the granite area. 6. Dominant slope degree of the soil mass movement site has steep slope, mostly, more than 25 degree and slope position that start mass movement is mostly in the range of the middle slope line to ridge line. 7. Vegetation status of soil mass movement area are mostly fire field agriculture area, it's abandoned grass land, young plantation made on the fire field poor forest of the erosion control site and non forest land composed mainly grass and shrubs. Very rare earth sliding can be found in the big tree stands but mostly from the thin soil site on the un-weatherd bed rock. 8. Dangerous condition of soil mass movement and land sliding seems to be estimated by the several environmental factors, namely, vegetation cover, slope degree, slope shape and position, bed rock and soil profile characteristics etc. 9. House break down are mostly happen on the following site, namely, colluvial cone and fan, talus, foot area of concave slope and small terrace or colluvial soil between valley and at the small river side Dangerous house from mass movement could be interpreted by the aerial photo with reference of the surrounding site condition of house and village in the mountain area 10. As a counter plan for the prevention of mass movement damage the technics of it's risk diagnosis and the field survey should be done, and the mass movement control of prevention should be started with the goverment support as soon as possible. The precautionary measures of house and village protection from mass movement damage should be made and executed and considered the protecting forest making around the house and village. 11. Dangerous or safety of house and village from mass movement and flood damage will be indentified and informed to the village people of mountain area through the forest extension work. 12. Clear cutting activity on the steep granite site, fire field making on the steep slope, house or village construction on the dangerous site and fuel collection in the eroded forest or the steep forest land should be surely prohibited When making the management plan the mass movement, soil erosion and flood problem will be concidered and also included the prevention method of disaster.
Out of a total of 58 species of helminthic and protozoan parasitic infections in Korea, so far 38 species were reported as intestinal parasites of man. Quite a few species of the intestinal parasitic infections have long been prevalent throughout the country and this has been a significant public health problem. In this paper, current status and transition of the intestinal parasitic infections in the past years were presented. Chronological reviewing of data show background and prospects of change in the prevalence of infections. In the national prevalence survey on parasitic infections conducted once every five years since 1971, stool examinations were done by both cellophane thick smear and brine flotation techniques. Every egg positive case of Ascaris lumbricoides and Clonorchis sinensis was further examined by Stoll's dilution egg counting technique. In 1981, perianal swab using adhesive cellulose tape was added for Enterobius infection. For protozoan cyst examination conducted by province and city in '81, fecal specimens were fixed in SAF solution and examined by the formalin-ether concentration technique. High prevalence of parasitic infection in ana before the 1960s can be easily understood from the data given by the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs in 1967. From a parasite control point of view, the 1960s was the preparatory period particularly for control of soil-transmitted helminthiasis. Several organizations which have contributed to parasite control were founded in this period and the prevention law of parasitic infections was passed in '66. In the '70s, overall prevalence rates of the common intestinal parasitic infections, which were highly prevalent in the past were turned into reduction phase for the first time. The '80s can be said to be an active control period of parasitic infections. Intestinal helminths According to the reports of the national prevalence survey on parasitic infections, the prevalence of helminthic infections was 84.3%(number of person examined:24,887) in '71, 63.2%(27,178) in '76, and 41.1%(35,018) in '81. By area, the prevalence rate in '81 was 35.1%(20,569) in urban areas and 49.6%(14,447) in rural areas. Intestinal nematodes Ascaris lumbricoides The prevalence of Ascaris infection has decreased significantly in recent years. Among students, the prevalence was 55.4%, in '69 and decreased to 4.7% in '83. In the national prevalence surveys, the prevalence decreased to 13.0% in '81 from 54.9% in '71. By area, the prevalence decreased to 8.5% in '81 from 46.4% in '71 in urban area and 19.4% in '81 from 59.6% in '71 in rural area. By age, the prevalence has become in recent years relatively even in all age groups, although higher prevalence used to be seen in young age groups of around 10 years old, particulary in the highly prevalent rural areas. By sex, the prevalence was higher in the female than in the male. Unfertilized egg positive rates among the ascariasis cases increased gradually up to 55.4% on the average in '81. The intensity of the infection was also significantly decreased. Trichuris trichiura Trichuris infection had also decreased to 23.4% in '81 from 65.4% in '71. By area, the decreasing tendency of the prevalence became faster in urban areas than in the rural areas. The prevalence in urban and rural areas in '71 was 69.7%, and 63.1% respectively and decreased to 19.5% and 29.0% respectively in '81. By age, the prevalence reached a peak at the 10-14 age group and showed relatively even distribution throughout all age groups. By sex, the prevalence was close in young age groups, but in the 30s or over age group, especially in rural area, the prevalence was significantly higher in the female than in the male. The prevalence has much fluctuated depending in the area. The prevalence in rural areas surveyed in the '80s shows a range between 20.9% and 73.7% by locality. It is anticipated that the prevalence of Trichuris infection will drop more rapidly, when mass treatment is conducted. Hookworms Hookworm infection by mostly Ancylostoma duodenale and a few by Necator americanus has decreased to a negligible levels in recent years. In the national prevalence surveys, the prevalence was 10.7% in '71, 2.2% in '76, and 0.5% in '81. The prevalence was higher in rural areas than in urban areas. Wide application of multi-specific anthelminthics in the ascariasis control programmes conducted in the past decade appear to have been effective against hookworm infection. Trichostrongylus orientalis As in the case with hookworm infection, the prevalence of Trichostrongylus infection has reached a negligible levels. In the national prevalence surveys, the prevalence was 7.7% in '71, 1.0% in '76 and 0.2% in '81. Enterobius vermicularis In the national prevalence survey in '81, the egg positive rate was 12.0%. Higher prevalence is expected when examined repeatedly. The prevalence rate was 10.3% in urban area and 14.6% in rural area. In recent surveys conducted in rural areas among schoolchildren, the prevalence was 32.4% in Gimhae Gun in '82 and 64.1% in Yeongyang Gun in '83. By age, the egg positive rate was higher in young age groups of around 10 and sharply decreased in age groups of around 20 and then somewhat increased again in middle age groups. By sex, the prevalence was higher in the female than in the male. Strongyloides stercoralis Strongyloides stercoralis infection has rarely been found in Korea. Three cases were reported in 1914. And 0.1-0.5% were found infected out of 2,642 persons examined at the prisoner-of-war camp on Geojedo in 1956. One case was reported in '54 and '82, respectively. Anisakis spp. No systematic survey has been conducted for anisakiasis In Korea. So far, only several cases have been found 1 case in Seoul in '71, 5 cases in Busan in '81 and 1 case in Busan in '84. Intestinal trematodes Metagonimus yokogawai In the national prevalence survey conducted in 1981, the egg positive rate was 1.24% on the average. High endemic areas are located in the southwestern part of Korea. The prevalence in Hadong Gun was 29.1% on the average in '79. In a survey conducted in 76, the prevalence was 44.0% in Gwangyang, 55.0% in Gogseung and 29.0% in Gurye. The infection is closely correlated with raw sweetfish consumption in these areas. Other intestinal trematodes A human case of Heterophyes heterophyes was reported in 1914. Several species were reported in the '80s : 17 cases of Fibricola seoulensis, 9 cases of Pygidiopsis summa, 8 cases of Heterophyes heterophyes nocens, 1case of Heterophyopsis continua, 2 cases of Stellantchasmus falcatus, 1 case of Stictodora sp., 1 case of Echinostoma hortense, and 4 cases of Echinochasmus japonicus. As the intermediate hosts, snakes and frogs play a role for F.seoulensis and fish for the rest of the species. Intestinal cestodes Taenia saginata and T. solium Egg positive rates in the national prevalence survey were 0.7% in '76 and 1.1% in '81. The prevalence in '81 was 0.6% in urban area and 1.8% in rural area. The proglottid positive rate in Jeju Do was 19.2% on the average. On Udo, Jeju Do in 1983, the egg positive rate among the inhabitants was 2.9%. Hymenolepis nana In the national prevalence survey, egg positive rates were 0.6% in '76 and 0.4% in '81. No difference was seen in the prevalence by area and sex. Hymenolepis diminuta Infected cases were reported : 3 in '64 and I in '66. Egg positive rate in '81 was 0.01% in the national prevalence survey. Diphylobothrium latum So far, about 30 cases have been reported. The cases have been reported more frequently in recent surveys. Mesocestoides sp. A case was reported from a hospitalized patient in Seoul in '67. Spirometra erinacei Two cases were reported in '84 following reidentification of the adult worms collected in '74. Intestinal protozoa Out of a total of 23 species of human protozoan infections in Korea, 13 species were reported as intestinal protozoa : Entamoeba histolytica, E coli, Endolimax nana, Iodamoeba b
1. Production and consumption of chemical fertilizers in Korea could be divided into five different phases of total imports, setting up fertilizer plants, self-sufficiency in production, net export, and diversification in compound fertilizers. Currently the nation has production capacity of 800 thousand M/T of nitrogen, 400 thousand M/T of phosphate (
The endeavors enhancing the grain quality of high-yielding japonica rice were steadily continued during 1980s-1990s along with the self-sufficiency of rice production and the increasing demands of high-quality rices. During this time, considerably great progress and success was obtained in development of high-quality japonica cultivars and quality evaluation techniques including the elucidation of interrelationship between the physicochemical properties of rice grain and the physical or palatability components of cooked rice. In 1990s, some high-quality japonica rice cultivars and special rices adaptable for food processing such as large kernel, chalky endosperm, aromatic and colored rices were developed and its objective preference and utility was also examined by a palatability meter, rapid-visco analyzer and texture analyzer, Recently, new special rices such as extremely low-amylose dull or opaque non-glutinous endosperm mutants were developed. Also, a high-lysine rice variety was developed for higher nutritional utility. The water uptake rate and the maximum water absorption ratio showed significantly negative correlations with the K/Mg ratio and alkali digestion value(ADV) of milled rice. The rice materials showing the higher amount of hot water absorption exhibited the larger volume expansion of cooked rice. The harder rices with lower moisture content revealed the higher rate of water uptake at twenty minutes after soaking and the higher ratio of maximum water uptake under the room temperature condition. These water uptake characteristics were not associated with the protein and amylose contents of milled rice and the palatability of cooked rice. The water/rice ratio (in w/w basis) for optimum cooking was averaged to 1.52 in dry milled rices (12% wet basis) with varietal range from 1.45 to 1.61 and the expansion ratio of milled rice after proper boiling was average to 2.63(in v/v basis). The major physicochemical components of rice grain associated with the palatability of cooked rice were examined using japonica rice materials showing narrow varietal variation in grain size and shape, alkali digestibility, gel consistency, amylose and protein contents, but considerable difference in appearance and texture of cooked rice. The glossiness or gross palatability score of cooked rice were closely associated with the peak, hot paste and consistency viscosities of viscosities with year difference. The high-quality rice variety "IIpumbyeo" showed less portion of amylose on the outer layer of milled rice grain and less and slower change in iodine blue value of extracted paste during twenty minutes of boiling. This highly palatable rice also exhibited very fine net structure in outer layer and fine-spongy and well-swollen shape of gelatinized starch granules in inner layer and core of cooked rice kernel compared with the poor palatable rice through image of scanning electronic microscope. Gross sensory score of cooked rice could be estimated by multiple linear regression formula, deduced from relationship between rice quality components mentioned above and eating quality of cooked rice, with high probability of determination. The
The results of the study on the consumptine use of irrigated water in paddy fields during the growing season of rice plants are summarized as follows. 1. Transpiration and evaporation from water surface. 1) Amount of transpiration of rice plant increases gradually after transplantation and suddenly increases in the head swelling period and reaches the peak between the end of the head swelling poriod and early period of heading and flowering. (the sixth period for early maturing variety, the seventh period for medium or late maturing varieties), then it decreases gradually after that, for early, medium and late maturing varieties. 2) In the transpiration of rice plants there is hardly any difference among varieties up to the fifth period, but the early maturing variety is the most vigorous in the sixth period, and the late maturing variety is more vigorous than others continuously after the seventh period. 3) The amount of transpiration of the sixth period for early maturing variety of the seventh period for medium and late maturing variety in which transpiration is the most vigorous, is 15% or 16% of the total amount of transpiration through all periods. 4) Transpiration of rice plants must be determined by using transpiration intensity as the standard coefficient of computation of amount of transpiration, because it originates in the physiological action.(Table 7) 5) Transpiration ratio of rice plants is approximately 450 to 480 6) Equations which are able to compute amount of transpiration of each variety up th the heading-flowering peried, in which the amount of transpiration of rice plants is the maximum in this study are as follows: Early maturing variety ; Y=0.658+1.088X Medium maturing variety ; Y=0.780+1.050X Late maturing variety ; Y=0.646+1.091X Y=amount of transpiration ; X=number of period. 7) As we know from figure 1 and 2, correlation between the amount evaporation from water surface in paddy fields and amount of transpiration shows high negative. 8) It is possible to calculate the amount of evaporation from the water surface in the paddy field for varieties used in this study on the base of ratio of it to amount of evaporation by atmometer(Table 11) and Table 10. Also the amount of evaporation from the water surface in the paddy field is to be computed by the following equations until the period in which it is the minimum quantity the sixth period for early maturing variety and the seventh period for medium or late maturing varieties. Early maturing variety ; Y=4.67-0.58X Medium maturing variety ; Y=4.70-0.59X Late maturing variety ; Y=4.71-0.59X Y=amount of evaporation from water surface in the paddy field X=number of period. 9) Changes in the amount of evapo-transpiration of each growing period have the same tendency as transpiration, and the maximum quantity of early maturing variety is in the sixth period and medium or late maturing varieties are in the seventh period. 10) The amount of evapo-transpiration can be calculated on the base of the evapo-transpiration intensity (Table 14) and Tablet 12, for varieties used in this study. Also, it is possible to compute it according to the following equations with in the period of maximum quantity. Early maturing variety ; Y=5.36+0.503X Medium maturing variety ; Y=5.41+0.456X Late maturing variety ; Y=5.80+0.494X Y=amount of evapo-transpiration. X=number of period. 11) Ratios of the total amount of evapo-transpiration to the total amount of evaporation by atmometer through all growing periods, are 1.23 for early maturing variety, 1.25 for medium maturing variety, 1.27 for late maturing variety, respectively. 12) Only air temperature shows high correlation in relation between amount of evapo-transpiration and climatic conditions from the viewpoint of Korean climatic conditions through all growing periods of rice plants. 2. Amount of percolation 1) The amount of percolation for computation of planning water requirment ought to depend on water holding dates. 3. Available rainfall 1) The available rainfall and its coefficient of each period during the growing season of paddy fields are shown in Table 8. 2) The ratio (available coefficient) of available rainfall to the amount of rainfall during the growing season of paddy fields seems to be from 65% to 75% as the standard in Korea. 3) Available rainfall during the growing season of paddy fields in the common year is estimated to be about 550 millimeters. 4. Effects to be influenced upon percolation by transpiration of rice plants. 1) The stronger absorbtive action is, the more the amount of percolation decreases, because absorbtive action of rice plant roots influence upon percolation(Table 21, Table 22) 2) In case of planting of rice plants, there are several entirely different changes in the amount of percolation in the forenoon, at night and in the afternoon during the growing season, that is, is the morning and at night, the amount of percolation increases gradually after transplantation to the peak in the end of July or the early part of August (wast or soil temperature is the highest), and it decreases gradually after that, neverthless, in the afternoon, it decreases gradually after transplantation to be at the minimum in the middle of August, and it increases gradually after that. 3) In spite of the increasing amount of transpiration, the amount of daytime percolation decreases gadually after transplantation and appears to suddenly decrease about head swelling dates or heading-flowering period, but it begins to increase suddenly at the end of August again. 4) Changs of amount of percolation during all growing periods show some variable phenomena, that is, amount of percolation decreases after the end of July, and it increases in end August again, also it decreases after that once more. This phenomena may be influenced complexly from water or soil temperature(night time and forenoon) as absorbtive action of rice plant roots. 5) Correlation between the amount of daytime percolation and the amount of transpiration shows high negative, amount of night percolation is influenced by water or soil temperature, but there is little no influence by transpiration. It is estimated that the amount of a daily percolation is more influenced by of other causes than transpiration. 6) Correlation between the amount of night percoe, lation and water or soil temp tureshows high positive, but there is not any correlation between the amount of forenoon percolation or afternoon percolation and water of soil temperature. 7) There is high positive correlation which is r=+0.8382 between the amount of daily percolation of planting pot of rice plant and amount and amount of daily percolation of non-planting pot. 8) The total amount of percolation through all growin. periods of rice plants may be influenced more from specific permeability of soil, water of soil temperature, and otheres than transpiration of rice plants.
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.