• 제목/요약/키워드: old classics

검색결과 54건 처리시간 0.026초

서목답문의 분류체계에 관한 연구 (A study on the classification systems of the Shu-mu Da-wen)

  • 박재혁
    • 한국도서관정보학회지
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    • 제27권
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    • pp.171-209
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    • 1997
  • The results of the study can be summarized as follows. The Shu-mu Da-wen was selected and compiled by Zhang Zhi Dong at the end of Qing Dynasty as a reading list for students preparing for the state examination and for the purpose of choosing the best from several versions. Whether it was compiled and edited by Zhang was in dispute. But it is almost certain that Zhang was the main editor because Shu-mu Da-wen showed his political, educational and scientific thoughts and knowledge distinctively. The followings are characteristics of Shu-mu Da-wen being compared with Si-ku Quan-shu Zong-mu Ti-yao. 1. In Jing-bu, the Confucian classics are divided into Zheng-jing Zheng-zhu and 'Lie-chao Jing-zhu Jing-shuo Jing-ben kao-zheng. Zheng-shi lei is divided into Zheng-shi fen he ke ben and Zheng-shi zhu bu biao pu kao-zheng. It is the special sorting method to include Du-ben lei in Jing-bu and Chu xue du-ben in Bie-lu in order to provide first learners for reading order. 2. Shi-bu included Gu-shi newly and Di-li lei is divided into Gu Di-li and Jin di-li in Shi-bu. Tian-wen Suan-fa lei is divided into Zhong-fa and Xi-fa in Zi-bu. Zhang distinguished between old books and contemporary ones to find out the origin and include newly published books in the East and the West. 3. Zhou-Qin zhu-zi is newly added to Zi-pu. In Ji-pu, Bie-ji and Zong-ji are categorized according to their style and period respectively. This show the new sorting method which added classifying system concerning academic development. It is the prominent feature in the compiling system to make Bie-lu and Cong-shu respective chapters. With those characteristics the Shu-mu Da-wen had been edited and published several times. It had a wide effect not only on compiling methods of cataloging afterwards and but also on classification systems before decimal classification was introduced in China.

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파킨슨병 동물 모델을 이용한 신정격 사암침법의 도파민성 신경세포 보호 효과 연구 (Effect of Kidney Tonification of Saam Acupuncture in Parkinson's Disease Mouse Model)

  • 김승태;이상협;김보경
    • Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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    • 제39권1호
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    • pp.8-15
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    • 2022
  • Objectives : Saam acupuncture is one of the indigenous therapeutic modalities in traditional Korean medicine. In this study, the neuroprotective effect of Saam acupuncture of kidney tonification was investigated using 1-methyl-4-phenyl-1,2,3,6-tetrahydropyridine (MPTP)-treated mice. Methods : Twelve-week-old male C57BL/6 mice were intraperitoneally administered with 30 mg/kg of MPTP at 24-h intervals for 5 days and acupuncture stimulation at LU8, KI7, SP3 and KI3 was performed once a day for 12 days from the first MPTP injection. The pole test and the rotarod test were performed to evaluate motor function, and dopaminergic neuronal survival in the substantia nigra (SN) and striatum was evaluated using tyrosine-hydroxylase immunohistochemistry. Results : MPTP administration caused behavioral impairment and dopaminergic neuronal death in the nigrostriatal pathway. Whereas the Saam acupuncture treatment alleviated the MPTP-induced motor dysfunction and dopaminergic neuronal death in the SN and striatum. Conclusions : Saam acupuncture of kidney tonification can alleviate the MPTP-induced motor dysfunction and dopaminergic neuronal death in the nigrostriatal pathway, suggesting a possible role for acupuncture in the treatment of Parkinson's disease.

2009년 유행 신종인플루엔자 A(H1N1)의 한약 및 기타 비전형적 치료에 대한 고찰 (An Overview of the Herbal Remedies and other Non-conventional Therapies for 2009 Novel Influenza A(H1N1))

  • 선승호;장인수;백유상;배선재;한창호
    • 대한한방내과학회지
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    • 제30권3호
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    • pp.558-570
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    • 2009
  • Background : Since March 2009, when the first patient of novel influenza A (H1N1) was reported, many deaths have occurred in North and Central America. The start of the 2009 influenza pandemic was declared by WHO Director-General Dr. Margaret Chan on 11 June 2009, and the level of influenza pandemic alert raised from phase 5 to phase 6. There was no vaccine yet developed, and many experts worried that the novel H1N1 virus could kill as many or more as did the influenza pandemic in 1918-1919. Objective : To evaluate the possibility of treatment for 2009 novel influenza A (H1N1) using herbal remedies and other non-conventional therapies. Methods : We researched the clinical studies for novel H1N1 influenza virus-related herbal medicine or non-conventional medicine treatment using internet search engines including PubMed and CNKI. In addition, we reviewed many reports and clinical practice guidelines (CPG) for influenza A (H1N1). Results : Two case series were selected after reviewing 701 papers, and two CPG published by the Chinese government and Jilin province identified. They reported that the clinical symptoms were no more significant than seasonal influenza, and the condition of patients more than 45 years old was milder than those less than 45 years old. There are no patients with gastric problems, and oseltamivir has been used at the same time in all patients. Conclusion : The efficacy and effectiveness of herbal medicine and other non-conventional treatments for the novel influenza A (H1N1) is questionable, and more studies are needed to draw a firm conclusion. However, in the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) experience in 2002/2003, it was demonstrated that herbal medicine can relieve all symptoms of SARS patients, promote absorption of lung inflammation, improve the degree of blood oxygen saturation, regulate immunological functions, reduce the required dosage of glucocorticoid and other medicines, and reduce case fatality rate. In light of the current situation that there is no vaccine or conventional treatment yet available, the study of herbal medicine and other non-conventional therapies are also necessary for appropriate evaluation.

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북한 초기 고전 각색 가극과 선별의 음악 정치 - 혁명가극 이전 민족 가극을 중심으로 (North Korean folk Operas and Musical Politics of Selection - Focused on National Operas Prior to Revolutionary Operas)

  • 정명문
    • 공연문화연구
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    • 제39호
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    • pp.69-96
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    • 2019
  • 북한은 혁명가극 이전의 가극을 선택적으로 보존했다. 이중 초기 고전 각색 가극은 1950년대 이후 남북한의 가극 장르 변화를 추적하는데 중요 단서를 제공한다. <금강산 팔선녀>, <춘향전>, <콩쥐팥쥐>, <온달>은 비현실적인 상황을 조정하고, 계급 문제를 제기하는 방향으로 각색되었다. 초기 고전 각색 가극에서 부각시킨 인민은 신분 격차와 상관없이 부지런히 일하고 애국심을 갖춘 이였다. 또한 부당한 착취에 대해 조직적인 투쟁을 함께하는 공동 구성원이기도 했다. 이는 노동과 개인 생활의 통일, 낡은 것의 파멸, 그 파멸을 촉진하는 투쟁을 지지하는 창작 독려의 성과였다. 선별 보존된 작품들은 극장에서 집중시킨 감각을 일상에서 유지시키는 일종의 모범 사례이기도 했다. 고전 각색 가극은 신분제도 반대, 국토 찬양, 긍정적인 근로 방향과 같은 국가 강령을 자연스레 관객에게 각인시킬 수 있었다. 하나의 작품이 무대화되면 소재, 주제, 음악, 운영방안 측면에서 평가를 거쳐 생존 여부가 판단되었다. 그 표징은 '김일성'의 관람 여부 및 방향성 제시였다. 김일성 일가의 수정 지시 사항을 받아들여 집단이 재창조하고, 해외 공연을 통해 선전하는 과정은 혁명가극의 극작 및 홍보 방식과 맞닿는다. 이렇게 선별된 가극은 인민, 여성, 문학 차원에서 스토리텔링화 되면서 모델이 되었다. 이렇게 북한 초기 고전 각색 가극은 공적인 교감과 음악정치 구축의 상관성을 보여주는 사례이다.

학제 간 연구에서 고전 텍스트의 수용 문제 - '노송취병(老松翠屛)'을 중심으로 - (Acceptance of Classical Text in Interdisciplinarity - A case study of Nosongchwibyoung -)

  • 진경환
    • 한국전통조경학회지
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    • 제33권4호
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    • pp.77-86
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    • 2015
  • 학제 간 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 인문학과 자연과학을 통합하는 분야인 전통문화 연구에서 대단히 바람직한 일이 아닐 수 없다. 한문학을 위시한 고전인문학과 전통조경, 전통건축과의 만남은 자연스러운 일이다. 그런데 여기에 문제가 없지 않다. 고전인문학의 성과가 여과 장치 없이 여타의 분야에 곧바로 수용되는 경우를 흔히 볼 수 있다. 그런 사례의 하나가 "경도잡지(京都雜誌)" "풍속(風俗)" 편의 '제택(第宅)' 조에 나오는 '노송취병(老松翠屛)'이다. 어느 곳에서는 그것을 부연(附椽)이라 풀고, 다른 곳에서는 취병의 한 종류라고 설명하고 있다. 이 소고에서는 옛 문헌들을 면밀히 검토함으로써, 그것이 송첨, 송붕(松棚), 붕가(棚架)의 다른 표현, 좀 더 정확히는 18~19세기 서울 양반들의 입에서 오르내리던 별칭이었음을 고증하였다. 그런데 이 고증은 단지 특정 단어 하나에 대한 해명으로서만 의미를 지니는 것은 아니다. 한문원전에 대한 이해에서 상당히 취약한 분과에서, 인문고전 분야의 성과를 재성찰하지 않고 거의 맹목적으로 준신하여 자기 분야에 거칠게 적용하는 경우가 비일비재하여 문제가 심각한바, 이 소고는 그러한 동향에 제동을 걸고자 한 것이기도 하다. 인문고전 분야 연구자의 번역과 주석은 그 영향을 고려하여 대단히 신중하게 이루어져야 하며, 인문고전 분야의 연구 성과를 수용하려는 여타의 분과에서는 참조하려는 내용이 사실에 부합하는지 반드시 검증해 보아야 한다.

일본동양의학(日本東洋醫學)의 기혈수설(氣血水說)에 관(關)한 고찰(考察) (An A Study on Concepts of ${\ulcorner}$Oi, Blood and Body Fluids${\lrcorner}$)

  • 조기호;강병종;사택첩년;후등박삼;김영석;배형섭;이경섭
    • 대한한방내과학회지
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    • 제18권1호
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    • pp.207-217
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    • 1997
  • The oriental medicine based on the traditional Chinese medicine has developed characteristically according to the history and racial character respectively; China, Korea and Japan. Japan, among these nations, has accepted western medicine earlier than other nations and has tried to compare western and oriental medicine and combine them. In Japanese traditional medicine, it is characteristic that the old medical classics focusing on Sanghannon (傷寒論) and Geumgyeyoryak(金?要略) has developed The recent tendencies of clinical medicine and researches in Korean oriental medicine are mostly about the study of oriental medicine in view of western medicine and the combination of western and oriental medical treatment like Japan. But the study on the Japanese oriental medicine hasn't so far been tried before in Korea. From now on, we should not overlook that a more interest on Japanese oriental medicine will be very useful. Therefore we have surveyed the background of its origin and the process of development of the theory of ${\ulcorner}$Qi, Blood and Body Fluids${\lrcorner}$. What we wish to show in this paper is to provide a source for the basic understanding by explaining a fundamental theory of physiology and pathology of Japanese oriental medicine. Concepts of ${\ulcorner}$Qi, Blood and Body Fluids${\lrcorner}$ suggested by Nangai Yoshimashi in 1792 is the way of thinking that the circulation of 3 factors- ${\ulcorner}$Qi, Blood and Body Fluids${\lrcorner}$ nourish human body. Among these 3 factors, if Qi does not function smoothly, it causes the condition of a disease like Qi-deficiency, imbalance of Qi-distribution or Qi-depression and stasis; in Blood's case, deficiency of Blood and Blood stasis; and as for Body Fluids, stasis of Body Fluids. In the recent trend of study, there's a try to combining the western and oriental medicine, Qi is considered as psychoneurotic system, Blood as circulatory and endocrinologic system and Body Fluids as immunologic system.

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한병련(韓秉璉)의 "의방신감(醫方新鑑)"과 일제강점기 전염병에 대한 인식 (A Study on "EuiBangShinGam" by Han Byung Lyun)

  • 김단희;차웅석;안상우;김남일
    • 한국한의학연구원논문집
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    • 제14권3호
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    • pp.173-182
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    • 2008
  • "EuiBangShinGam" is a classic on oriental medicines written by Han Byung Lyun with the pen name Shin Oh in 1913. It was written under the base of the writer's own experience as well as in the light of 36 other classics on oriental medicines such as "DongEuiBoGam", Introduction to Medicine, and Complete Works of Jingyue. In an attempt to avoid difficult theories and list only the essential informations and formulas for clinical purposes, it attained its own characteristics of not only reorganizing DongEuiBoGam in a pragmatic way but also explaining diseases classified in western medicines in oriental medicines' point of view as well as suggesting medicine formulas regarding such explanations. As a result, it is a complete and efficient medical classic through which one can gain knowledge in both classic oriental medicines and combination of western and oriental medicines. Its special features are making a separate chapter for cholera and phthisis, which is also a contagious disease, and trying in the chapter to explain the disease s in words of oriental medicines; listing details of nine major epidemic and matching them with the diseases known in oriental medicines: and recording a case of enforcing sterilization and preventive injection against contagious diseases. Han Byung Lyun, the writ er of the book, was born in northern province of Ham Gyoung, Woong Bu, and the date of death is unknown. He is one of the eight members who conceived and started the idea of organizing the Organization of Practioners of Oriental Medicines, which was a nationwide organization under the motive of restoring Oriental Medicines against the policy under the colonial government of Japan. Living a era of Japanese Imperialism, he stressed the need to accept western medicines if its beneficial to oriental medicines in order to develop oriental medicines for progressive causes. This reflects that he was a person who tried in various ways to extend oriental medicines to another level by facing up to the reality and coming up with a measure to cope up with it. In fact, he was a oriental medicine doctor who tried to protect oriental medicines by founding academic organizations, publishing academic magazines, and writing himself many papers related to oriental medicines. EuiBangShinGam can he summarized as a classic on traditional korean medicine through which one can find out about realities of Japan Imperialism and the attempts of oriental medicine practitioners under the colonial policies of Japan to make oriental medicines more developed by adding one's own thoughts as well as keeping the old, and adjusting to such situations.

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코퍼스 분석방법을 이용한 『동의보감(東醫寶鑑)』 영역본의 어휘 분석 (An Analysis on the Vocabulary in the English-Translation Version of Donguibogam Using the Corpus-based Analysis)

  • 정지훈;김동율;김도훈
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제28권2호
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    • pp.37-45
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    • 2015
  • Objectives : A quantitative analysis on the vocabulary in the English translation version of Donguibogam. Methods : This study quantitatively analyzed the English-translated texts of Donguibogam with the Corpus-based analysis, and compared the quantitative results analyzing the texts of original Donguibogam. Results : As the results from conducting the corpus analysis on the English-translation version of Donguibogam, it was found that the number of total words (Token) was about 1,207,376, and the all types of used words were about 20.495 and the TTR (Type/Token Rate) was 1.69. The accumulation rate reaching to the high-ranking 1000 words was 83.54%, and the accumulation rate reaching to the high-ranking 2000 words was 90.82%. As the words having the high-ranking frequency, the function words like 'the, and of, is' mainly appeared, and for the content words, the words like 'randix, qi, rhizoma and water' were appeared in multi frequencies. As the results from comparing them with the corpus analysis results of original version of Donguibogam, it was found that the TTR was higher in the English translation version than that of original version. The compositions of function words and contents words having high-ranking frequencies were similar between the English translation version and the original version of Donguibogam. The both versions were also similar in that their statements in the parts of 'Remedies' and 'Acupuncture' showed higher composition rate of contents words than the rate of function words. Conclusions : The vocabulary in the English translation version of Donguibogam showed that this book was a book keeping the complete form of sentence and an Korean medical book at the same time. Meanwhile, the English translation version of Donguibogam had some problems like the unification of vocabulary due to several translators, and the incomplete delivery of word's meanings from the Chinese character-culture area to the English-culture area, and these problems are considered as the matters to be considered in a work translating Korean old medical books in English.

공자의 『시경』 재구성과 시론(詩論) - 『논어』를 중심으로 (Confucius's Theory of Poetics in Analects)

  • 임헌규
    • 철학연구
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    • 제137권
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    • pp.439-462
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    • 2016
  • 주지하듯이 공자(孔子)는 인문주의 이념을 정립하고, 이를 실현하기 위하여 천하를 주유하였고, 그리고 만년에 고향으로 돌아와 육경(六經)을 산정(刪定)하면서 제자들을 훈육하였다고 전해진다. 그런데 "논어"에 의거하여 살펴본다면, 공자는 주로 "시(詩)" "서(書)"의 문장으로 교양을 쌓고, 례(禮)에서 자립하고, 락(樂)에서 도덕적 완성을 기하도록 제자들을 이끌었다. 그런데 그 가운데에서도 그는 특히 "시(詩)"에 가장 많은 비중을 두면서 논찬(論纂)과 교육에 힘을 기울였다. 이 글은 공자가 가장 많은 비중을 두고 제자들을 가르친 책은 "시(詩)"라는 점에 주의하면서, "시경"이란 어떤 책이며, 공자가 "시(詩)"의 형성에 어떤 공헌을 했으며, 공자의 시론(詩論)은 어떠하였는지를 해명하고자 하였다. 이러한 해명을 위해서 2장에서는 기존의 연구들을 바탕으로 중국 고전에 입각한 시(詩)에 대한 정의(定義), "시경(詩經)"의 성격 구성 형성 및 공자의 시산정설(詩刪定說)에 대한 비정(批正)을 시도하였다. 여기서 필자는 우선 사마천의 공자(孔子) 시산정설(詩刪定說)이 왜 근거가 박약한지를 살펴보고, 공자는 3,000여 편의 시(詩)를 손수 산정하여 300여 편으로 정리한 것이 아니라, 단지 시(詩)에 곡을 붙이면서(악정(樂正)) 다양한 판본들을 참고하면서 '손상되어 어질러지고 빠지거나 순서가 뒤바뀐 것'을 교정하는 역할을 하였다고 주장하였다. 3장에서는 "논어"에 나타난 시(詩)에 대한 공자의 언명을 분석하면서, 공자의 시론(詩論)을 설명하였다. 여기서는 우선 공자가 말한 학시칠법(學詩七法)(흥(興) 관(觀) 군(?) 원(怨) 이지사부(邇之事父)-원지사군(遠之事君) 다식어조수초목지명(多識於鳥獸草木之名):17:9)을 상세히 논구하였다. 그런 다음 공자가 말한 시교(詩敎)의 종지(宗旨)인 "시 삼백 편을 한마디 말로 포괄하면, 생각에 사특함이 없는 것이다."는 말에 대한 면밀한 분석과 해석을 시도하였다.

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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