• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.1-26
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• 2022

Since the seminal publication of Joseph Nye's Soft Power, soft power became the central concept to public diplomacy. However, over-emphasis on soft power, which is still controversial, deterred academics from producing valuable knowledge that can be applied to practices in the field. Soft power is a cause and effect at the same time and thus it makes systematic analysis almost implausible because it is not only a tool for successful public diplomacy, but it is a result of successful diplomacy. This study aims at offering a theoretical framework linking soft power and public diplomacy by including various factors that may affect the outcomes of effective public diplomacy. This theoretical framework assessing the effectiveness of public diplomacy will make it possible to explore how and when new public diplomacy was adopted in a certain country and examine hard and soft power resources. The model also includes political system variables such as ideas and values, institutions, governance, leadership, and communication system, which are expected to influence public diplomacy effectiveness rather than soft power itself. The model yields the effectiveness of public diplomacy by assessing outcome and impact relative to input and output that are applicable to practices. The model is expected to enable both quantitative and qualitative studies generating possible propositions from the model with some preliminary outcomes of comparative case studies.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.53-80
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• 2022

Despite an astronomical budget for public diplomacy, China is experiencing successive failures in public diplomacy. The unfavorable feeling towards China is increasing every year in the world and China needs a new public diplomacy to resolve anti-Chinese sentiment. Here, we found that viewers of Korean-Chinese student YouTuber Deemd formed a friendly image towards China after watching Deemd's China vlog. Therefore, in this study, we tried to examine whether Deemd's vlogs affect the improvement of China's country image theoretically guided by the theory of mere exposure effect. In addition, we examined whether the improvement of a country image causes the 'Halo effect' that leads to an increase in the intention to visit China and purchase intention of Chinese products. It is expected that the results of this study can serve as a new digital media diplomacy solution for countries, including China, that want to capture the hearts of foreign public in the era of a new digital public diplomacy.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.49-91
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• 2022

Recent years have witnessed renewed interest in Africa and public diplomacy has emerged as the vital tool being used to cultivate these relations. China has been leading in pursuing stronger economic partnership with Africa while middle powers such as Korea are also intensifying engagement with the continent. While previous studies have analyzed the implications of China's activities in Africa on advanced powers, none has examined them from the paradigm of middle powers. This study fills this gap by assessing China's activities in Africa, their economic engagement and implications for Korea's interest in Africa. The analysis is qualitative based on secondary data from various sources and literature. The study shows that China's public diplomacy strategy involves a high degree of innovation and has evolved to encompass new tools and audiences. China has institutionalized a cooperative model that permeates many aspects of governance institutions in Africa, enabling it to strengthen their relations. This could also be helping China to adjust faster leadership transitions in Africa. Whereas the US is still the most influential country in Africa, China is influential in economic policies and has outstripped the US in infrastructure diplomacy. This could be because African policy makers align more with China's economic model than the US' mainstream economics. Chinese aid to Africa has been diversified to social sectors that are more responsive to the needs of Africa. Trade and investment relations between China and Africa have deepened, but so does trade imbalance since 2010. China mainly imports natural resources and raw materials from Africa. But this product portfolio is not different from Korea and the US. China's energetic insertion in Africa using various strategies has significant implications for countries with ambitions in Africa. Korea can achieve its ambitions in Africa by focusing resources in areas it can leverage its core strengths-such as education and vocational training, environmental policy and development cooperation.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.226-233
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• 2011

Exactly 25 years after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, 11th of March 2011 the Fukushima nuclear accident occurred in Japan and was ranked at level 7 same to the Chernobyl. A Korean and Japanese joint civil survey was conducted around Fukushima on April 13-17. The radiation survey data clearly shows a large hotspot area between 20 km and 50 km radius north and west direction from the accident reactors, with the highest radiation recorded being 55.64 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the air, 99.89 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the surface air, and 36.16 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in a car, respectively. 3.65 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the air and 6.89 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the surface air were detected at the playground of an elementary school in Fukushima City. Spring came with full cherry blossoms in Fukushima, but it was silent spring of radiation contamination. Interviews with Fukushima nuclear refugees reveal serious problems about Japanese nuclear safety systems, such as there was no practical evacuation drill within 1-10 km and no plan at all for 10-30 km areas. Several reforms items for Korean nuclear safety system can be suggested: minimization of accident damage, clear separation of regulatory and safety bureaus with a new and independent administrating agency, community participation and agreement regarding the safety system and levels, which is the major concern of 80% Korean. To tackle threats of nuclear disaster in neighboring nations like China, a new position entitled 'Ambassador for nuclear safety diplomacy' is highly necessary. The nuclear safety of Korea should no longer be the monopoly of those nuclear engineers and limited technocrats criticized as a 'nuclear mafia'.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.47-58
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• 2011

As China's international status is more and more uplifted, the active shaping and effective propagation of China's national image has been regarded as an important means to demonstrate China's soft power, demolish the so-called "China Threat Theory", and compete for China's share in international discourse power. This article first makes a discussion on the fundamental concepts and related theories of national image, and then explores the precise positioning of China's image as "a responsible power" and the connotation that should be contained in this image. Finally, this article presents a tactic of "complex propagation" for the shaping of China's national image, which includes the propagation by new media and advertisement, the marketing of international sport games and other international events, public diplomacy and public relations tactics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.205-248
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• 2008

There emerges a growing concern about South Korea's intellectual dependence on U.S. financial news media. However, those media's inherent relationship with national economic and financial interests has been poorly addressed. This paper thus attempts to identify such a strategic partnership between media and the government by analysing news coverages over four critical arena interwoven with U.S. dollar based financial system. For this purpose, total 152 news articles about Asia crisis, Asian Monetary Fund, Malaysia currency crisis and the new international financial architecture have been examined in terms of frame, attitude, cue-givers and discursive strategies. Research results indicate that not only have the media actively deferred to government leadership bur they have also acted as public diplomats in way of not hampering journalistic credibility. Hence, it is claimed that Korean society needs to formulate a model of media's strategic partnership with government at least in foreign policy arena, as well as to launch discursive strategies against nation-bound global news media.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.165-179
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• 2020

This study critically examines and conceptually discuss the new theoretical trend of nation branding strategies and explores implications for Korean nation branding policy. Korea is known to be one of the countries who has competitively invested governmental efforts on nation branding. However, over the past two decades, while interactive academic discussions on nation brand were taking place and expanding in various fields and areas, related Korean literature did not pay much attention to increasing its conceptual understanding and development. Instead, studies on nation branding in the Korean context remained its focus on instrumental and economic aspects, leaving the theoretical discussion stagnant. In the Korean context, there was a tendency to regard nation branding as one of the political tools for national public and means for a short-term image marketing towards the foreign audience. To solve the undervaluation of Korea's nation brand and enhance its public image, there must be a revisit to its conceptual discussion. This study reviews various theoretical perspectives and paradigms on recent trends of nation branding, and re-conceptualize nation branding as the continuous interactive relations among 'national identity'-'nation brand'-'nation image'. In particular, by discussing the 'relationship building' approach, which is the latest suggested theoretical idea that well suits the networked era, this study suggests policy implications for Korea's future-oriented nation branding.