• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-16
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• 2020

Hijab as a symbol of women's oppression due to the opening and reform of Islamic State group, is becoming more diverse as younger generation begins to dress more freely than ever before, spreading the perception that it is a fashion item. In response, this research conducted a theoretical review about the history of hijab, various forms of hijab, and characteristics of hijab using relevant literature, media reports, and fashion media articles. As an empirical study, image-oriented photo data shared by Tehran Street Fashion from 2015 to November 2019 were analyzed separately by fashion majors into color, pattern, and hijab-making forms. According to the analysis, six different fashion images were categorized as romantic feminine, modern chic, natural elegant, classic formal, sporty casual and gorgeous ethnic. For Muslim women in the past, hijab was worn as a repressive and closed sense by the religious system. However, in modern times, it is a way to express one's style and ideas as a fashion item. It is also and a means to express one's thoughts and beliefs. Through aesthetic consideration of Hijab as a fashion item, it was found that it was a medium for freedom of expression and a medium for beauty and individuality.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.13 no.2 s.55
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• pp.318-328
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• 2005

Our interest in human body is more and more increasing. Not only academic and art communities but also other social communities show a keen interest in the human body. Especially, the breast of women's body parts may be comparable to men's penis because it is protruded. The breast which sexually distinguishes women from men becomes an important topic in the fashion design community. Therefore, such designs which emphasize the breast are being introduced in a natural way. This paper aims at examining the reason and symbolism for the exposure of breast and analyzing the fashion design that breast is exposed. This study will help us grasp the meaning which the design has. The exposure's scope of breast in the design includes the partial exposure, total exposure and the concealment of breast. But these all have their effects in each scope. For this paper, some general things were investigated. They are as follows: the phases of breast exposure in the fashion design, the exposure of breast expressed in the works of fine art, and the alteration of breast-exposing phenomenon shown in apparels. Then, each type of breast-exposing design shown in the women's fashion was analyzed from the middle of 1980s' when the phenomenon of breast exposure occurred to the year 2004. These could be divided into 4 types. They include a suggestive type, an exaggerative type, an open type and a reproductive type. As the result of analysis of 4 types, such meanings of design as an emphasis of femininity, an expression of liberty, a symbol of maternity and a commercialization of sex could be analogized.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.197-204
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• 2004

The concept of Baekdudaegan(Korean traditional and major mountain system) was conceived toward the close of Silla Kingdom and in the beginning of the Goryeo dynasty. The concept was brought up through the Goryeo dynasty and was completed in the Joseon dynasty. We have to recognize the next two facts to restore the Baekdudaegan concept these days. Firstly, Baekdudaegan is not the highest watershed line but a domain. Secondly, Baekdudaegan is not a set of ridges but a corporate body of a water system and a mountain system. When it comes to fix the management area of Baekdudaegan, it is necessary to make criteria on the basis of traditional ideas and to include natural characteristics considering physical environment. The management area of Baekdudaegan include the third order of stream with the conservation area including the first order of stream. The most important thing in the management strategy is to prevent the damage of configuration of the ground. Baekdudaegan is a symbol of Korea spirit. Therefore, to manage Baekdudaegan wisely is one of ways to lay down the stepping stone of our country's reunification.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.191-221
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• 2014

South Sumatra's capital, Palembang, has long maintained a river-oriented transportation system. With road transportation's increased importance for exploiting natural resources, however, hundreds of roads have been constructed since the Dutch colonial period. This article examines how the construction of roads and bridges affected people's lives and social networks in Palembang, and what social and political significance it has in the context of a region in the postcolonial Indonesia, with a focus on the huge river called the Musi River, which horizontally crosses the city. After independence, there has been strong aspiration to link these two parts by road, and in 1965 the Musi Bridge (then the Sukarno Bridge) over the river was eventually opened. The construction of the bridge apparently initiated socioeconomic transformations and development in the region, including Ulu (the southern river bank)'s rapid urbanization. However, the features of regional development actually were prerequisites for "national" development. The regional development was impossible without financial support from the central government, and the local or regional aspiration for development was often supported only when it fitted with national envision. The Musi Bridge was a model case that fitted with such national envision. While it was the symbol of regional development, it was also celebrated as an exemplary sign of "national" development, by both Sukarno's government and Suharto's New Order regime. By analyzing the discussions and discourses regarding the Musi project since early 1950s, in addition to its social and economic impact after the construction, this article explores the continuities and changes in the roles and significance of the (construction of the) Musi Bridge with the changing political backstops in both regimes. Together with it, this article also aims to reexamine the interplay between "the national" and "the regional" in the prevalent aspiration for the national and regional "development" throughout the 1950s and 1960s.

• The Mathematical Education
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.353-369
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• 2018

This study started with the following questions. Suppose that students do not accept various forms of geometric series tasks as the same task. Also, let's say that the approach was different for each task. Then, when they realize that they are the same task, how will students connect the different approaches? This study is a process of pro-actively confirming whether or not such a question can be made. For this purpose, three students in the second grade of high school participated in the teaching experiment. The results of this study are as follows. It also confirmed how the students think about the various types of tasks in the geometric series. For example, students have stated that the value is 1 in a series type of task. However, in the case of the 0.999... type of task, the value is expressed as less than 1. At this time, we examined only mathematical expressions of students approaching each task. The problem of reachability was not encountered because the task represented by the series symbol approaches the problem solved by procedural calculation. However, in the 0.999... type of task, a variety of expressions were observed that revealed problems with reachability. The analysis of students' expressions related to geometric series can provide important information for infinite concepts and limit conceptual research. The problems of this study may be discussed through related studies. Perhaps more advanced research may be based on the results of this study. Through these discussions, I expect that the contents of infinity in the school field will not be forced unilaterally because there is no mathematical error, but it will be an opportunity for students to think about the learning method in a natural way.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.71-92
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• 2024

The world we live in is becoming more convenient thanks to the inventions of science and technology. Still, the world is also becoming more and more unpredictable with the current situation of VUCA (Volatility, Uncertainty, Complexity, Ambiguity). The Covid-19 pandemic brought the biggest global disaster ever with 774,631,444 infected people and 7,031,216 deaths (WHO on February 11, 2024) but it seems that humanity is gradually forgetting this disaster. Meanwhile the economic stimulus packages worth trillions of dollars from governments after the pandemic have further caused the world debt bubble to swell. The bubble burst scenario is something that many economic experts fear. Apparently, in the transitional period of the early decades of the 21st century, the world's economic, cultural, political, social, natural, and environmental aspects have undergone profound transformations: from the real estate and finance crises in the United States since 2008; through the melting of the Arctic ice over the past several decades; to the double disaster of the earthquake and tsunami in Japan in 2011. Especially, in the context of the world economic crisis after the COVID-19 pandemic, the human achievements of the past thousands of years are in jeopardy of being wiped out in an instant. Many people are predicting a bad scenario for a chain collapse. Facing the signals of an imminent economic catastrophe based on the appearance of "the Gray Rhino, Black Swan and White Elephant," many drawn in by Eschatological thought declare that Doomsday will occur shortly. This is the time for many other people to hope for the incoming Messiah. The Messiah is said to appear when people feel despair or suffer a great disaster because faith in the Savior can help them overcome adversity mentally. This research will find out how adherents of Buddhism view and deal with civilizational crises by examining history via symbols associated with Maitreya as based upon the Buddhist Messiah, Maitreya.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.15-29
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• 2022

The Byungsan Neo-Confucian Academy, a 17th-century World Heritage Site in Korea, is being praised as a manifestation of naturalness or non-artificiality of the traditional Korean borrowed scenery technique (借景, chagyeong). This study, however, aims to reinterpret the chagyeong of the Byungsan Academy (hereafter the Academy) as a device of illusion evoking an idealized vision of nature. In the process of interpretation, 'picture and frame'-a widely accepted expression that represents the chagyeong of the Academy-will be foregrounded as the pivotal concept mediating the change of perspectives from naturalistic to ideological. This study consists of the following three parts. First, it shows that 'picture and frame' represent a modern way of seeing the Academy as an architectural heritage in harmony with nature; it denotes pristine nature and the empty architectural frame that safely circumscribes the innate beauty of the natural landscape. Second, departing from the naturalistic perspective, this study argues that the architectural framework of the Academy composes scenography enticing the viewer to imagine the idealized, Confucian image of nature that compares to the landscape imagery found in the landscape poetry and paintings that were produced and appreciated by the 17th-century Confucian literati. Lastly, based on the above interpretation, this study stresses that the 'picture' one encountered at the Academy in the 17th century was not the framed scene of a natural landscape but the illusion it caused; the architectural 'frame' worked not as a symbol of naturalness but as an institutional apparatus of vision manipulating the way one sees-and therefore imagines-the landscape.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.487-497
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• 2013

This study was conducted to suggest vegetation management plan for Gugok landscape maintenance and improvement by deducing the vegetation landscape factors inherent in Yongha Gugok and understanding vegetation structure through the investigate of existing vegetation and plant community structure of Yongha valley in Woraksan National Park. There were broad and flat rocks, natural layered stones, clear water, light stones, stream, valleys, waterfalls, Pinus densiflora and Acer pseudosieboldianum as a result of deducing natural factors on poetry. There were P. densiflora and A. pseudosieboldianum appeared as one of main vegetation landscape elements. The actual vegetation analysis results were as followed. The natural vegetation occupied 67.5% and it was classified as P. densiflora community, Quercus variabilis community, Q. variabilis-P. densiflora community, Q. variabilis-Q. serrata community, Q. serrata community, Q. mongolica community, Q. mongolica-P. densiflora community, Deciduous broad-leaved tree community. The artificial vegetation(18.7%) was classified as Q. serrata community-Larix kaempferi community, Q. mongolica- Castanea crenata community, L. kaempferi community, L. kaempferi-C. crenata community, fruticeta, L. kaempferi-Q. mongolica community. The grassland area(2.0%) was classified as Miscanthus sinensis community, Phragmites communis community, and other areas were classified as landscape tree planting area, farm, orchard, residential area. The representative vegetation were P. densiflora community, Q. variabilis-Q. serrata community, L. kaempferi community, Deciduous broad-leaved tree community in Yongha Gugok. The species diversity index of Shannon was 0.6274~0.9908 on the whole. Yongha Gugok, as a symbol of succession on confucianism and reverence for nature, should be preserved natural valley landscape being clean and wijungchuksa at the end of Joseon Dynasty and Japanese Colonial era. In this historical and cultural Gugok, vegetation landscape management plan is needed to landscape maintenance with P. densiflora community, density control with L. kaempferi community. And it is considered when natural disasters and artificial damages happened, P. densiflora-oriented vegetation restoration plan should be applied in order to restore.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.45-66
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the kaftan styles iin Asia. The purpose of he study was to examine the origin o the kaftan concentrating on the history and cultural backgrounds of nomads in he Western Central and North Eastern Asia. Secondly for more thorough study and expla-nation on how these kaftans contributed to East-West trade along the silk road. wall paintings and miniature illuminations along Oasis roads persia and Saracen period were compared, Also real kaftans were compared and analyzed the characteristics of Western (Turkey palestine) Central(Kazakistan Uz-bekistan Tadzhistan Qyrgyztan Turkmenistan) and the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the style classifications according to their peculiarities of the various kaftans as well as how kaftan gave important influences on custumes of different religious sects. The kaftan is a long coat-like garment with front openings fastened with long sash having an extra long sleeves which were worn by middle and high class nomadics throughout the West Central and North Eastern Asia This type of kaftans were a basic clothing for nomadics since they were constantly moving fromone to another areas on their horse back riding. They also wore tight trousers with boots. Kaftans seem to be originated from nomads of Steppe around B.C. 800 On B. C 400 west asian areas such as Solokha Kul-oba Kulogan had pictures sculptues on vases showing kaftans of half coat type length with front opening tied with band. Also the materials used were the products of animals such as wool or felt with animal designs showing Scythian nomads. In the North Eastern Asia Hsiung-Nu were active in Kazakha North Altai and Mongol The Clothing and fabrics exfavated near Noin-ula Pazyrik showed many samples of kaftan with trousers with other interment be-longings with a corpse around B.C 300 to A. D 100 when trades along the silk roads were proven by many historians Kaftans excavated in this area wore red front opening silk materials which suggesting settling down of nomads. in he central Asia Dol-gull near Altai mountain area were mainly miners who later had many trades with Persia and Bizantine. After Dol-gull Bezeklik temple Samarkant Kizil cow Budda sculture wall paintings of Astana tomb showed typical kaftan of this re-gion. These were both hip covered length as well as long coat with narrow sleeves. Es-pecially they had different color band fron the main kaftan with grogeously and splendously designed silk. In perusia during A. D 1400 to 1600 minia-ture illumination showed kaftan as a high class symbol more than clothing purpose. They had best quality silk with extra long sleeves draping and had a layers of kaftans one on top of anther as a symbol of wealth These Kaftans with different colors and designs were even more beautiful with their effective combinations and contrast of colors. On the other hand the lower class common people and servants wore simple kaftan with the front part of the kaftan were slipped into the belt in order to be more active and con-venient to work, The real kaftans discovered at Topkapi Saray palace of Turkey from A. D 1300 to 1900 were also compared. These kaftans were very numerous in numbers as well as designs The materials and designs used were also vari-ous such as Chinese to Italian silk. The shaped and pattern itself were not much different from the previous nomad's Kaftans. The Palestian kaftans remained were from the beginning of 19th and 20th century. Since this area is hot and dry desert they used black and navy blue colors mostly in order to exclude the sun lights. The patterns used were similar to Nomads and Bedouin with cross stiches and patch work decorations. In the central Asia they had similar life style and natural environmental cnditions with Turkish tribe which resulted in similar kaftan styles as nomads. Mongols conserved basic patterns of kaftan since Cinggis Khan with deep folding in order to keep warm. At last the kaftans studided in this thesis were classified in to four such as half coat long coat jacket and vest style. A pattern used in the Central Asia were zigzag and ani-mal design whereas in the West Asia were floral plant arabesk and circle pattern. As I discussed previously kaftan styles of nomads in the Asia maintained its basic pat-tern throughout the history except slight changes in color gusset sleeve shapes. These slight changes were made according to the need to adapt the need of environmental natu-ral conditions, The reason for aboriginality of kaftan in Asia was its simplicity and con-venience Most interesting fact is that for all these years Mongols are still wearing kaftan in their life ensuring us that they art the preserves of old kaftan. Since this thesis dealt enormous Asian regions I had a limitation of not being able to cover the Far Esatern asian areas such as Korea China and Japan how these kaftans were influenced in their clothing history as well as Eastern and Western culture. This topic along with the studies on materials and designs of patterns of kaftan will be another research project in the future.