• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.292-307
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• 2019

Buddhists have always tended to adorn and embellish Buddhist statues and their surrounding spaces in order to exhibit the grandeur and sublime nature of the Buddha. The various kinds of splendid instruments and implements used in such ornamentation are collectively called jangeomgu in Korean. Thus, the term jangeomgu encompasses articles used to decorate Buddhist statues, halos, and baldachin, as well as Buddhist banners and wind chimes, which are generally hung outside a building. Wind chimes are still widely used at Buddhist temples. In China, judging from various structures such as the Wooden Stupa of Yongningsi in Luoyang and the Dunhuang Caves, wind chimes began to be used around the sixth century. As for Korea, Buddhism was first introduced from China during the Three Kingdoms Period, and Koreans accordingly began to build Buddhist temples and buildings. It would appear that wind chimes came to be used around the time that the first temples were built. The oldest extant wind chime in Korea is the gilt-bronze wind chime of Baekje, discovered at the Mireuksa Temple Site in Iksan. In general, Korean wind chimes dating from the Three Kingdoms Period are classified into two general types according to their shape and elevation, i.e., those shaped like a Buddhist bell and those shaped like a trapezoid. As these two forms of wind chimes have influenced each other over time, those made during the Goryeo dynasty, having inherited the style, structure, and design of the preceding period, display such features. At the same time, the artisans who produced wind chimes pursued technical development and adopted free, yet not extravagant, designs. In particular, Goryeo wind chimes are characterized by original designs created through exchanges with other Buddhist art forms of the same period, such as the embossed lotus design band of Goryeo bells; the bullmun design, which served to display the grandeur of the royal family; the samhwanmun design, which consisted of decorating the interior of a Goryeo incense burner with three holes; Sanskrit designs; and designs inspired by the windows and doors of stone pagodas. In this way, the production of Goryeo wind chimes developed with a focus on purpose while being free of formal constraints. This study started out from the fact that the largest number of Korean wind chimes were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, research on wind chimes should be based on those of the Goryeo dynasty, especially since fewer relevant studies have been conducted compared to studies on other forms of Buddhist art. For the purposes of this study, the reasons for the production of wind chimes will be examined first, followed by an examination of the various styles of Korean wind chimes. Then, based on the findings of this investigation, the development and characteristics of the wind chimes produced during the Goryeo dynasty will be explored for each period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.124-139
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• 2013

Choi Cheon-yak(about 1684~1755) is an artist who left the various artistic works such as sculptures of royal tombs, architectures. In addition, he was not only a skilled caster but also an able artisan carving jade in the early Joseon Dynasty period. Starting from making royal seals of King Suk-jong, he had made more than about 40 Royal seals until 1755. Choi Cheon-yak was well known as a skilled jade craftsman. Another of his great abilities was to carve subjects into ideal figures. In virtue of his greater abilities, he could take part in the process of constructing Royal tombs and sculpting the stone statues of military officials' which were erected at aristocrats' tombs. With these accumulated skills, when he was in charge of designing the folding screen stones for King In-jo's Jang Neong, he could even replace 12 animals system and clouds with peonies and lotus. Among his various abilities, his skill in carving a sculpture can stand comparison with any other contemporaries. His sculpture skill was at its zenith in 1752, the stone statues of military officials' at the Ui soseson's tomb count his showpiece that describes a model at the age of his late teens and is a realistic and portrayal sculpture, which met the royal family's dignity. In the same year, the stone statues of military officials' constructed by Choi Cheon-yak was elected in front of the Jo Hyen-myeong's tomb(1690~1752). This masterpiece referred to the armor of those of King Gong-min Neong and newly added a helmet and the patterns of a tortoise shell. These patterns of a tortoise shell were passed down to Park Moon-su's tomb in 1756 and Queen Jeong-sung's Hong Neung by his colleagues : Kim Ha-jeong and Byeon Yi-jin etc. He was one of the greatest sculptors in the $18^{th}$ century. People in Joseon praised him highly for his imaginative work from an amorphous object. Especially, these stone statues of military at Jo Hyeonmyeong's tomb shows the proofs of his supreme artwork.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.38-55
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• 2021

Cherwon Castle is located in Pungcheonwon, Cherwon, in the center of the Korean Peninsula. Currently, it is split across the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) between the two Koreas. It attracts attention as a symbol of inter-Korean reconciliation and as cultural heritage that serves as data in making important policy decisions on the DMZ. Despite its importance, however, there has not been sufficient investigation and research done on Cherwon Castle. This is due to the difficulty involved in investigation and research and is caused by the site's inaccessibility. As a solution, the current investigative methods in satellite and aerial archeology can be applied to interpret and analyze the structure of Cherwon Castle and the features of its inner space zoning. Cherwon Castle was built on the five flat hills that begin in the northern mountainous hills and stretch to the southwest. The inner and outer walls were built mainly on the hilly ridges, and the palace wall was built surrounding a flat site that was created on the middle hill. For each wall, the sites of the old gates, which were erected in various directions , have been identified. They seem to have been built to fit the direction of buildings in the castle and the features of the terrain. The castle was built in a diamond shape. The old sites of the palace and related buildings and landforms related to water drainage were identified. It was verified that the roads and the gates were built to run from east to west in the palace. In the spaces of the palace and the inner castle, flat sites were created to fit different landforms, and building sites were arranged there. Moreover, the contour of a reservoir that is believed to be the old site of a pond has been found; it lies on the vertical extension of the center line that connects the palace and the inner castle. Between the inner castle and the outer castle, few vestiges of old buildings were found, although many flat sites were discovered. Structurally, Cherwon Castle is rotated about nine degrees to the northeast, forming a planar rectangle. The planar structure derives from the castle design that mimics the hilly landform, and the bending of the southwestern wall also attests to the intention of the architects to avoid the wetland. For now, it is impossible to clearly describe the functions and characters of the building sites inside the castle. However, it is believed that the inner castle was marked out for space for the palace and government offices, while the space between the outer and inner castle was reserved as the living space for ordinary people. The presence of the hilly landform diminishes the possibility that a bangri (grid) zoning system existed. For some of the landforms, orderly zoning cannot be ruled out, as flat areas are commonly seen. As surveys have yet to be conducted on the different castles, the time when the walls were built and how they were constructed cannot be known. Still, the claim to that the castle construction and the structuring of inner spaces were inspired by the surrounding landforms is quite compelling.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.168-184
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• 2022

This paper examined the construction techniques of the earthen fortifications in the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom, which has been researched most frequently among the Three Kingdoms. The construction processes of the Earthen Fortifications were reviewed and dividing into 'selection of location and construction of the base', 'construction of the wall', and 'finish, extension and repair'. The results show that various techniques were mobilized for building these earthen fortifications. Techniques which were adequate for the topography were utilized for reinforcing the base, and several other techniques were used for constructing the wall. In particular, techniques for wall construction may be clearly divided into those of the fill(盛土) and panchuk(版築) techniques. The fill method has been assumed since the 2000s to have been more efficient than the panchuk technique. This method never uses the structure of the panchuk technique and is characterized by a complex soil layer line, an alternate fill, use of 'earth mound(土堤)'/'clay clod(土塊)', and junctions of oval fill units. The fill method allows us to understand active technological sharing and application among the embankment structures in the period of the Three Kingdoms. The panchuk technique is used to construct a wall using a stamped earthen structure. This technique is divided into types B1 and B2 according to the height, scale, and extension method of the structure. Type B1 precedes B2, which was introduced in the late Hanseong Period. Staring with the Pungnap Earthen Fortification in Seoul, the panchuk technique seems to have spread throughout South Korea. The techniques of the fill and panchuk techniques coexisted at the time when they appeared, but panchuk earthen fortifications gradually dominated. Both techniques have completely different methods for the soil layers, and they have opposite orders of construction. Accordingly, it is assumed that both have different technical systems. The construction techniques of the earthen fortifications began from the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom and were handed down and developed until the Woongjin-Sabi Periods. In the process, it seems that there existed active interactions with other nations. Recently, since studies of the earthen fortifications have been increasing mainly in the southern areas, it is expected that comparative analysis with neighboring countries will be done intensively.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.6-20
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• 2023

The World Heritage Subcommittee of the Cultural Heritage Administration which examine The World Heritage Subcommittee of the Cultural Heritage Administration which The World Heri The World Heritage Subcommittee of the Cultural Heritage Administration which examined the Placenta Chamber of King Sejong's Princes applied for the world heritage priority list in 2020 recommended expanding it to the royal placenta chambers of Joseon distributed nationwide for successive registration instead of registering the Seongju placenta chamber only. On account of that, the issue of selecting items has become one of the important topics to be discussed in the registration of world heritages. Accordingly, this researcher investigated the subjects of successive registration based on such conditions as excellent universal value, heritage protection and management, authenticity, and completeness among the real estate cultural properties demanded by the UNESCO World Heritage Committee. First, 22 placenta chambers, the real estate cultural properties designated as cultural properties and protected and managed by the state and local governments, are subject to it. Second, it seems that placenta chambers that can be restored through research and historical investigation and become designated as cultural properties can additionally be added. Third, items such as the Seosamneung Royal Tombs built by Lee Wang-jik in the Japanese colonial era or Seongjong Placenta Chamber relocated as an example to realize the completeness of Joseon's Royal Placenta Chambers can be included as well. Meanwhile, many of the items designated as cultural properties are not in the original location, and they can be divided into those that were relocated for the intentions of the Japanese Empire and those that were not. Therefore, the researcher insists that it is necessary to select and add items with which we can understand the historicity in the relocation of placenta chambers during the Japanese colonial era and also to quickly designate those that have not been designated as cultural properties yet. Therefore, regardless of designation as cultural heritage, local governments must promote both restoration and designation and strive to include them in the list of successive registration of world heritages grounded on thorough historical investigation. Moreover, to add them to the list of successive registration of world heritages, the Cultural Heritage Administration and local governments should promote continuous research and genuine restoration of individual placenta chambers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.