• 동양고전연구
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• 제68호
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• pp.319-344
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• 2017

사암 박순(1523~1589)은 16세기 도학정치사에서 매우 중요한 위치를 차지한다. 선조가 즉위한 뒤 14년간이나 재상을 지내면서, 그 이전의 훈척정치(勳戚政治)를 도학정치로 바꾸는 데 지도적 위치에 있었다. 그는 이전 시기의 정암(靜菴) 조광조(趙光祖: 1482~1519)가 부르짖은 도학정치의 이념을 계승하여 신진 사류(士類)에 의한 개혁정치를 추구하였다. 원칙과 여론이 일치되는 도학적 이상정치를 추구하였고, 이것의 실현을 위해 '세도(世道)'를 바로잡고 '청의(淸議)'를 신장하는 데 앞장섰다. 도학정치를 세도정치(世道政治)라고 하는 이유가 여기에 있다. 한편 그는 잘못된 현실을 비판하고 이상을 실현하는 준거(準據)로 '고례(古禮)'를 중시하였다. 그가 생각하는 '고'는 단순한 시간상의 되돌림이 아니었다. 이상이자 원리이며 전통이었다. 그는 '고'의 정신으로 돌아가는 것이야말로 가장 의미 있는 개혁이라고 생각하였다. 그가 국가의 전례(典禮)에서 '고례'의 실천을 강조하며 이것을 관철시키려고 애썼던 것은 이 때문이었다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

1987년 민주화운동 이후 한국정치는 김영삼, 김대중, 김종필에 의한 3김정치로 전환기를 맞았다. 한국정치는 3김정치 이전에는 1인에 의한 장기집권에 지속되었으나 3김정치에서는 정당통합과 정당연합을 통해 평화적인 정권교체가 가능하게 하였다. 3김정치에 대한 평가는 긍정적인 측면과 부정적인 측면이 공존한다. 3김정치에 대한 정치적 효과는 정당구도의 다양화와 정권교체의 안정화이다. 3김정치는 한국의 정당구도를 양당체제에서 다당체제로 변화시켰으며, 3당합당과 DJP연합 등 후보단일화를 통해 평화적 정권교체를 가능하게 하였다. 하지만 3김정치에 대한 정치적 왜곡은 정당의 단명화와 정치이념의 편중화이다. 3김정치는 3김의 전략적 판단에 따라 정당해체, 재창당, 정당통합 등으로 정당의 수명이 매우 짧았으며, 보수성향과 진보성향이 3김정치와 결부되어 지역적으로 정치이념의 편중화 현상을 강화하였다. 따라서 3김정치가 한국정치에서 차지하는 비중이 매우 높기 때문에 3김정치로 인한 정치적 왜곡은 한국정치를 위해 극복해야 한다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.201-238
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• 2012

This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2012

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.25-42
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• 2011

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제43권
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• pp.193-221
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• 2000

The conventional framework of welfare politics, based on class concepts, tends to fail in explaining the recent social changes. Theoretical response from the social science diverges into two blocs. One is the postmodernist approach that denies possibility of structural cleavage; the other is the alternative trial that seeks to find various kinds of cleavages. The former approach is to be rejected because there is few empirical supports for it. The latter is too sparse to be applied to the studies of welfare politics that requires a comprehensive analysis. This study starts from critical investigation of such approaches, aiming at providing a theoretical framework that combines merits of existing studies on welfare politics. The theoretical framework of three statuses of welfare rights and duties, which is to be presented as an alternative to the conventional class counterpart, does not only underscore the expansion of welfare rights but also the burden of welfare duties. Hence, it can comprehensively subsume complex existence of interest cleavages of welfare politics. To make a long story short, individual interest, related to the welfare state, will effect individual attitudes toward the welfare state and their ways of political support.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제17권3호
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

이 글은 김영삼 정권하의 노동정치의 성격과 그 변화과정을 체계적으로 분석한다. 분석의 결과는 'IMF 경제위기'를 계기로 노동정치는 '갈등적 다원주의'에서 '사회적 합의주의'로 전환되었으며, 그 전환은 경제위기에 의해 촉발되었고, 변동의 방향은 정권적 차원의 제도적 맥락과 사회연합의 역학에 의해 규정되었음을 보여준다. 이 분석 결과가 함의하는 바는 경제위기나 국제적 압력이 노동정치의 변화 양상 및 방향을 규정짓는 변수가 아니고, 사회연합의 역학적 구도와 내용이 행위자들에게 새로운 인식과 전략적 선택을 강요하며, 이는 행위자들의 상호작용을 통해 최종적으로 노동정치의 변동을 낳는다는 점이다.

• 의료법학
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.37-68
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• 2007

Health insurance has gone far toward solving Korea's health related problems through thirty years. Health Insurance as social security system has a role of national system to secure national health. But there are many problems in health insurance. There is a dispute about many issues, coverage of health security, compulsory appointment of health insurance organization, coverage and level of health insurance benefit, decisionmaking right of health insurance price, examination of health insurance etc. Generally, the opinion for health insurance policy to be leaded by nation sets against the opinion to be leaded by private sector. It is necessary to study politics of law, constitute law and comparative law for rational solving these problems. If desirable setting of health law system can be made, legal system must be set during a long time and be discussed synthetically in different standpoint.