• 영어영문학
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• 제58권5호
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• pp.903-941
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• 2012

This essay examines Edward Said's Culture and Imperialism focusing on the concepts of 'culture,' 'empire,' and 'nation'. The approach is critical, theoretical, and historical rather than explicatory. Consequently, the range of the essay is not limited to Said's own explanation and argument about Western imperialism and its culture presented in the book. In doing this, this essay finally purposes to be a discursive resistance to the current global empire, the United States, via a critical reading of Said's work. Said's notion of culture is set upon to disclose the function of culture as an apparatus of ideological consent of the dominated to the dominant. When applied to imperial practice, Western culture functions to subject the colonized to the colonizer. Said's geographical approach to imperialism complements the historical understanding of imperialism. Imperialism is not only the practice of Western-centered historicism but also the spatially mutual interaction between the West and the rest of the world. Along with European imperialism, Said poses the current global empire of the United States as his main target of criticism. Said's problem is that he takes the United States as a nation-state. When examined, the United States is not a nation-state, but today's empire. The empire in the appearance of the nation-state United States does not work for the interest of the American nation, that is, the American people. The empire is the transnational and postnational political and economic institution that works for the interest of global capital. In order to resist the current global empire, this essay suggests that the building or restoration of nation-states with its basic principle of people's sovereignty is in need.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.596-610
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• 2017

As a 'network of networks,' the Internet globally connects a huge number of regional and individual networks and provides us with new hopes and possibilities. However, a nation-state as well as the legal order of the 'state'(constitution) has limitations that are all too clear in order to regulate this new world formed by the Internet. It will soon be impossible for a single state to control these global information networks, and they will not be consistently and vertically operated and managed by anyone. As a result, ideologies or jurisdictions that support the legal order of a nation-state are no longer sufficient to control information delivery beyond borders. Furthermore, the development of the Internet and emergence of cyber space in the information society has led to the idea of 'extinction' of nation-states. Nevertheless, the conclusion that the state will be extinct due to the development of the information society is still nothing more than a hasty assumption. In other words, the information society does not indicate the end of the state. Rather, we must now clearly perceive that the object of our research and discussions must be the role and function of the nation-state in the newly emerged information society in the global aspect and international aspect, as well as in relationships with individuals or organizations that now have unimaginably strong information power. It is clear at this point that nation-states will lose the function and authority they have enjoyed or exercised to a certain degree, but this certainly does not indicate that nation-states are, and will be, unnecessary or useless. Rather, it is necessary to focus on the list of tasks that must be accepted by nation-states in the changed information society, as well as responsibilities and means to perform those tasks.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.127-145
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• 2022

Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.

• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.95-117
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• 1999

As the nation is moving into the 21st century, the fundamental challenge facing local health departments in the United States is to improve the quality of peoples lives by preventing disease, injury, and disability through collaboration with public and private partners. During this century, life expectancy in the United States has increased remarkably from less than 50 years at the turn of the century to 79 years for woman and 72 years for men (CDC 1999; Bunker et al. 1994). Major portions of this gain can be attributed to advances in public health. (omitted)

• 한국수자원학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국수자원학회 2010년도 학술발표회
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• pp.121-121
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• 2010

The water resources of the United States are increasingly at risk and the nation's water policy is in serious difficulty. Water resources protection laws primarily passed since 1950 often contradict water resources development laws passed before 1950. These contradictions complicate efficient and effective responses to the nation's water resources challenges including climate change, our aging infrastructures, changing population dynamics, drought, floods, wetlands and aquatic species loss, ecosystem restoration and many others. In addition, water law and policy determination, management and enforcement are so broadly distributed between, local, state and federal responsibilities that effective responses again are difficult. For example, at the national level alone, more than a dozen federal agencies have water resources responsibilities including resource development, resource assessment, and resource protection. They are presided over by six cabinet (Ministerial) departments, at least 13 congressional (parliamentarian) committees and 23 subcommittees, and are funded by five appropriations subcommittees. Lastly, good science and the public accountability associated with it are often overshadowed by political considerations at local, state and federal levels. The United States approach to solving water resources challenges is ad hoc - we address problems as they appear or as they merit political support rather than using good science to address our long term water resources needs.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.219-234
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• 1998

본 연구는 소수민족이 이민국에서 부정적인 면만을 나타낸다는 종래의 연구에 대해 긍정적인 면이 존재한다는 관점에서 해외동포가 많이 거주하고 있는 중국 미국 일본을 대상으로 해외동포의 직업구성의 공간적 특성을 파악하였다. 그 결과 인구규모상 제1위의 도시를 포함하는 지역에는 상업이, 제2위의 도시를 포함하는 지역에는 제조업이 가장 특화된 직업이고, 제3위의 도시를 포함하는 지역은 제1, 2위 도시를 포함하는 각 지역 특화직업의 중간적 성격을 띄고 있다는 점이 밝혀졌다. 그리고 인구규모상 제1위의 도시를 포함하는 지역에는 전문직중인 법조인, 의료인, 종교인, 교육자 등이 특화직업으로 나타났다. 이에 따라 해외동포는 종래 경제적 지위향상을 위해 노력해 왔으나 앞으로는 경제적인 바탕위에서 우리동포의 강한 교육열로 사회적 지위향상을 위해 노력함 것으로 생각되어 인구규모상 수위도시를 포함하는 지역뿐만 아니라 다른 지역에서도 화이트 칼러의 진출이 두드러질 것이다.

• 인문언어
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.223-265
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• 2002

In United States black mothers have consistently been treated as national outsiders, as women whose children, although ostensibly entitled to full citizenship, are in practice rarely provided with equal protection within the nation′s borders or under its laws. From the time he began writing in the aftermath of the failures of national Reconstruction, the African American public intellectual and political activist W. E. B. Du Bois realized that a truly effective anti-racist politics would also have to contend with the particular ways in which U.S. racism targeted black mothers. In short, he understood that an effective anti-racism would necessarily have to be a form of anti-sexism. This article examines the myriad ways in which Du Bois attempted to reconstruct the relationship between race and reproduction in the interest of producing anti-racist, anti-nationalist, as well as internationalist thinking. In so doing it treats the various representations of black maternity and child birth that Du Bois created, and elaborates on the rhetorical and political function of these representations in combating the racialization of national belonging on the one hand, and in articulating universal black citizenship, or what this article theorizes as racial globality on the other. The article begins by considering Du Bois′s attempts to transcend ideas about the racialized reproductive body as a source of national belonging within the United States, particularly his efforts to contest the idea of the reconstructing nation as a white nation reproduced exclusively by white women. Through analysis of Du Bois′s depiction of the birth and death of his son in his monumental work The Souls of Black Folk (1903) it demonstrates his reluctance to build an anti-racist politics founded on the idea that belonging within the nation is something that can be bestowed by one′s mother. The article proceeds by turning to Du Bois less well-known romantic novel, Dark Princess (1928) in which, by contrast, he depicts the birth of a "golden chi1d" who belongs not only within the United States, but within the world. This child, the son of an African American man and an Indian Princess, is cast as a messenger and messiah of a utopian alliance between pan-Asia and pan-Africa. In exploring the relationship between these two reproductive portraits, the article moves from a discussion of Du Bois′s critique of the ideological construction of the U.S. as a white nation reproduced by white progenitors, to an examination the literary figuration of a b1aek mother out of whose womb a black diasporic anti-imperialist alliance springs. In contrast to previous scholarship, which has tended to focus on the critique of U.S. racial nationalism that Du Bois expressed in his early work, or on the internationalism that he later embraced, this article pays close attention to how Du Bois′s anti-nationalist and internationalist politics together subtended by subtle, but constitutive, sexual politics.

• 한국사회정책
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.321-343
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• 2018

본 논문의 목적은 수렴론을 복지국가의 도덕적 토대를 이루는 기초소득 보장에 적용하여 설명하는 것이다. 즉 거시적 차원에서 논의되고 있는 수렴론을 미시적 차원으로 낮추어, 유럽 복지국가 간에 기초소득보장의 수준이 일정한 패턴을 보이면서 균질하게 변화하는가, 즉 수렴되는가 여부를 분석하고자 한다. 따라서 연구 질문은 "유럽연합 회원국(EU-15) 사이에 기초보장기준은 수렴되고 있는가?"라고 할 수 있다. 이를 위하여 제2장에서는 역사적 관점에서 복지국가의 수렴과 분화 현상을 살펴본다. 이 장은 제2차 세계대전 이후 복지국가가 역사의 전면에 등장하고, 이후 정치적 격변을 겪을 때마다 수렴과 분화를 거듭해온 복지국가의 역사 속에서 기초소득보장이라는 가치가 어떻게 현실세계에 반영되는가를 살펴보기 위한 사전적인 작업으로서 의의를 가진다. 이어 제3장에서는 유럽연합 사회정책과 기초소득보장을 설명하였다. 1957년 로마조약으로 발족한 현 유럽연합이 지난 60년간 사회정책을 어떻게 다루었는지를 간략하게 살펴보고, 특히 회원국 사이에 균질화(harmonization) 작업의 일환으로 시행되는 기초소득 보장제도에 대해서 논의한다. 본 논문의 본문에 해당하는 제4장은 유럽연합 회원국의 기초소득의 보장 수준이 수렴되고 있는지 여부를 변동계수 분석방식과 원점회귀계수 방식으로 분석하였다. 분석결과, 유럽연합 회원국 간 기초소득 보장수준의 수렴성은 입증되지 않았다. 이러한 연구결과는 결국 유럽연합과 같은 초국가적 권위체가 개별 국민국가의 특정 제도에 대해서 압력을 가한다 하더라도, 사회정책의 영역은 여전히 개별 회원국의 정책주권의 영역으로 남아있다는 것을 반증한다고 하겠다. 즉 유럽연합의 사회정책 영역은 시민이 주축이 된 국민국가의 정책영역으로 남아있어야 하고, 따라서 "복지국가는 국민국가이다(Welfare states are nation states)"라는 아브람데 스완(Abram de Swaan, 1994: 110)의 주장과 맥을 같이 한다.

• 미국학
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• 제41권1호
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• pp.99-131
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• 2018

The United States of America is privileged in that social stratification is not directly linked to the division of powers. Nonetheless, America endured the devastating Civil War only to consolidate her national identity when a nation was not defined. In fact, state governments preexisted as a sovereign long before the federal government came into existence as a national government. As a consequence, intergovernmental relations have persistently been contested long after the Civil War ended. In contrast, the European Union was founded on the political will to establish regional integration such that her member states would never repeat the bloodshed in catastrophic wars. Since the principle of subsidiarity precipitated political endeavor in regional integration, the EU developed into a bifurcated system of transnational and international organizations. In this paper, I evaluate the US and the EU by applying the perspective of federalism in which separation and integration are perennially at tension.

• 대한전자공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한전자공학회 2001년도 The 6th International Symposium of East Asian Resources Recycling Technology
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• pp.3-8
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• 2001

The mineral industry of the United States is going through a challenging time. The US as an industrial nation faces with increasing demand in raw materials to fuel various industrial sectors but, at the same time, meeting environmental constraints associated with excavating and extracting these raw materials. In addition, gradual depletion of material resources. and the necessity of handling more complex forms of resources of primary origin have led to a decline in her resource productivity, once a strategic advantage of the U.S. As a result. the United States currently relies heavily upon foreign importation of various materials such as precious and strategic metals. However, since the US is the major consumer of most of these materials, the recovery of these values from scrap would help renew her position as a resource-producing nation, and ultimately help spur its domestic economy. Furthermore. recycling would also help maintain a clean environment and reduce energy consumption. In this paper. the author attempts to discuss opportunities and challenges lied ahead of the US mineral in relation to recovering their much-needed resources from secondary sources. The need and demand in various metals in the US will be reviewed and discussed. The implication of resource recovery from secondary sources will also be discussed. Extraction methods treating secondary sources are inherently different from those for primary sources. There is a need for new technologies which are metallurgically efficient and environmentally benign in treating secondary sources. Ways to meet such a need will be examined and key factors to be considered in approaching these challenges will be discussed.