• 한국국방경영분석학회지
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• 제34권2호
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• pp.63-77
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• 2008

제한된 주파수 범위 내에서 무선통신에 대한 수요증가에 따라 중계소 설치 및 채널할당 문제가 갈수록 중요시되고 있다. 최소한의 주파수 범위를 가지고 간접이 없는 채널을 할당하는 문제는 NP-hard 문제이다. 다중계층 셀룰러 네트워크는 무선통신의 수요가 늘어나고, 서비스 질 향상 요구의 증가에 따라 주목받고 있는 설계 방법이다. 다중계층 셀룰러 네트워크는 큰 도시에 적용되는 방법으로서 소비자의 이동속도에 따라 서로 다른 계층에서 관리하고 소비자에게 안정된 서비스를 제공한다. 본 논문의 유전자 알고리즘을 이용한 다중계층 설계는 지존의 2계층 방식과 달리 3계층(macro, micro, pico) 방법을 적용하며, EMC(Electromagnetic Compatibility Constraints)를 적응하여 현실성을 더욱 증가하였다. 후보지 선정 개수는 $15{\sim}40$개까지 적응하며, 72개의 데이터를 적용하여 알고리즘을 실험하여 수요자 수를 총 수요의 90%이상으로 끌어 올려 현실성을 강화시켰다.

• 한국국방경영분석학회지
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• 제35권2호
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• pp.15-31
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• 2009

본 논문은 방위사업청 개칭이후 국방획득체계 운영과정에서 드러난 몇 가지 비효율적인 문제점을 분석하고, 이를 개선하는데 필요한 방안을 모색하는데 있다. 이것은 앞으로 국방부가 획득체계를 개선할 시 참고자료로 활용하는데 도움을 줄 수 있을 것이다. 제시된 방안들은 첫째, 국방부와 방위사업청간 중기계획 및 예산편성에 관한 기능을 재정립해야 한다. 둘째,소요-획득-운영유지의 통합관리체계 구축을 통해 경제적 획득관리 및 전력발전을 도모해야 한다. 셋째, 소요-획득분야 인력순환(순환근무)을 제도화하고, 획득인력의 전문성 강화를 위해 인력관리법 및 전문교육체계를 구축해야 한다. 그리고 넷째, 무기체계 '총수명주기체계관리'를 시행하고, 방위사업청 주도의 개발 및 운용시험평가 방식을 개선해야 한다. 이것은 국방부-방위사업청-각 군 간 획득사업을 둘러싸고 파생되는 업무혼선과 갈등을 최소화하는데 있어 필수적인 요소들이다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제8권6호
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• pp.537-542
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• 2022

우크라이나-러시아 전쟁을 계기로 부각되고 있는 "인지전"은 이미 이전의 전쟁에서도 존재하였으며 지금은 전쟁의 주요 양상으로 대두되고 있을 정도로 그 의미와 영향력이 점증하고 있다. 인지전의 등장과 중요성을 인식하고 이에 대한 의미와 특징을 이해하는 것은 현대전쟁에서 승리를 위해 반드시 수반되어야 한다. 2016년 러시아의 미국대선 개입 의혹으로 그 파급효과가 주목받은 이후 2021년 이스라엘-팔레스타인 분쟁에서는 한 단계 높아진 영향력이 확인되었다. 특히 SNS를 활용한 인지전은 군사작전의 주요수단으로써 국제사회, 국민, 하마스 등 명확한 목적과 대상을 선정하여 치밀한 작전을 수행함으로써 전쟁을 유리하게 이끌고 주도권을 유지하는데 큰 역할을 하였다. 이러한 새로운 전쟁양상은 4차 산업혁명의 도래와 함께 전 세계가 초연결됨에 따라 점차 부각되고 있다. 현대전에서의 새로운 전쟁양상인 인지전의 주요 내용과 우리에게 주는 시사점을 명확히 인식하고 이를 적극적으로 운용할 수 있는 능력과 역량을 갖춘다면 미래전장에서 어느 국가보다 주도적 역할을 할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제14호
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• pp.413-429
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• 2007

고려시대의 왕실 호위라 함은 오늘날로 보면 국가원수에 대한 경호에 해당한다. 고려시대의 독특한 정치제도가 완성되기까지는 신라시대나 태봉국의 제도를 답습하여 왕의 신변을 중심으로 경호가 실행되었다. 고려의 중앙군은 2군과 6위라는 8개의 부대로 편성되었다. 2군은 6위보다 위였으며 이는 응양군(鷹揚軍)과 용호군(龍虎軍)으로서 이를 근장(近仗)이라고 불렀다. 이를 오늘날의 공경호와 관련을 지어보면 근접경호에 해당된다. 고려 귀족 사회의 안정기에 귀족문화의 전성기를 누렸으나 그 뒤로 귀족분열과 상극대립으로 중앙통제력이 약화되는 가운데 무신란이 일어나고 무신들이 집권함으로서 왕의 신변은 안정되지 못하였다. 최씨 무인집권시대에 이르러 무인집권의 안전을 위하여 도방을 설치했고 최우 시대에는 그의 문객들을 모아 사병들뿐만 아니라 정방, 서방, 등의 문신을 거느려 인사행정을 담당케 했다. 몽고에 항쟁하던 시대에는 무신통치의 군사적 기반이었던 삼별초를 중심으로 항쟁했다. 최씨 정권시대의 그들 나름의 국가관과 국가 호위의 정신을 알 수 있다.

• Maxillofacial Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.383-396
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• 2000

Before the advent of early plastic or maxillofacial reconstructive surgery, facial features could only be replaced and mimicked by prosthetic, artificial means. Facial deformity or dysfunction, whether congenital or acquired by trauma or mutilating disease, has long been an area of constant research, development and innovation in many cultures of the world. One of the greatest contributors to the need for maxillofacial prosthetics has been physical conflict and warfare. The use of maxillofacial prostheses is not merely the replacement of a missing or disfigured aspect of the face, but the rehabilitation of that individual back into the society from which they originate. Rehabilitation includes the restoration of the person's self worth and confidence, not just physically but psychologically. In sixteenth century, Ambroise Pare, French military surgeon, first have tried many maxillofacial prosthetics for injured war soldiers with papier-mache, silver, gold and copper. According to patient's demand who lost their maxillofacial figures, maxillofacial personnel have increased and prosthetic's skill have been advanced all of the world. Over the last decade, there has been a very rapid development in technical possibilities to provide patients with facial prostheses retained by skin penetrating implants. This article will present overall history of maxillofacial prostheses and some background information on the materials used from the old world. And to overcome still many limitation of prosthetic, new minds and new ideas for technique and materials should be developed.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.149-177
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• 2014

Today distant oceans around the world are regarded as a major 'global commons' for international trade and transportation. Korea is not an exception, because Korea hugely depends on sea lines of communication (SLOC) for supplying vital commodities such as food and energy resource. As a result, assuring a free and safe use of distant ocean beyond territory is also an important agenda for Korea's maritime security. However there are a number of challenges for Korea to enjoy a free and safe use of distant ocean; dangers of regional maritime conflict in East Asia, naval arms race of China and Japan, and concerns on possible decline of U.S naval presence and power projection capabilities. These factors provide a reasonable basis for Republic of Korea Navy (ROKN) to pursue capabilities for major naval operations at distant ocean in a long-term perspective toward the year 2030. The introduction of aircraft carrier and nuclear-powered submarine is a key requirement for achieving this goal. ROKN needs to acquire a 'multi-role strategic landing platform' type of light aircraft carrier, which takes a role to escort naval task force by providing air superiority at distant ocean. Additionally nuclear-powered submarine will offer ROKN a formidable power to carry out offensive missions effectively at distant ocean.

• 복식
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• 제58권7호
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• pp.119-132
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• 2008

This study intended to develop and produce a modern form of fashion design for the Korean creative dance performance, 'Crazy Skirt Collage', which expressed conflict between internal ego and a persona in a woman. The qualitative method was used to analyze literature review, internet search and visual data of historically important cases related to the theme. Based on the analysis, the fashion design of the dance performanre by Hwang Hee-Yeon that was actually staged on Towol Theater, one of the Seoul Arts Center, was produced. The results wire as follows; First, the study confirmed a change of persona that revealed a female's animus strongly as it moved into the modern time. Second, the female's persona was expressed through long skirts, slips, dress shoes, handbags, military shoes, dresses with long zippers, trousers, wedding dresses and Korean full skirts during the performance, while the female's animus through male coats, panties, big bags and clock. In conclusion, it is necessary to study new expressive methods, that is, dance clothes using advanced equipment such as lights, videos or other variety of materials. It is also important to understand aesthetics of modern women's ordinary lives and to adapt ordinary clothes to dance clothes in various methods in order to express their modern lives appropriately through Korean creative dance.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.55-90
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• 2021

In the last several decades, and especially since the Chinese launching of the Belt and Road (BRI) initiative in 2013, the Chinese presence in Central Asia has intensified. Russia and Chinese leaders deny that there is any conflict of interests between them, while the standard narrative has been that the two states adhere to a functional division of tasks in which China concentrates on economic activity while Russia acts as the security guarantor for the region. This article argues that the professed equanimity between the Russian and Chinese leaderships masks the emergence of widening cracks in their relationship with regard to Central Asia. The convenient narrative of a functional division of tasks between the two states is called into question by China's increasingly active presence in the military and security sector in the region, but China's influence is growing throughout the Central Asian economic, political, and social order. China's movement into Central Asia challenges Russia's claim to act as an equal partner of China, as well as its pretensions to regional hegemony. This development reflects the widening disparity between the two states with respect to their power capabilities but it also exposes the interactions between Russia and China in Central Asia as the most vulnerable aspect of their relationship. In Central Asia, a defensive Russia encounters an ascendant China.